r.
THE
WORKS
OF
SYMON^PATRICK, D.D,
SOMETIME BISHOP OF ELY.
INCLUDING HIS AUTOBIOGRAFIIY.
EDITED BY
THE REV. ALEXANDER TAYLOR, M.A.
MICHEL FELLOW OF QUEBN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD.
IN NINE VOLUMES.
VOL. L
OXFORD:
AT THE UNIVERSITY TRESS.
M.DCCC.LVIII.
GENERAL CONTENTS.
VOL. I. PAGE
AQUA GENITALIS, A DISCOUESE CONCERNING BAPTISM . 1
MENSA MYSTICA, A DISCOURSE CONCERNING THE SA-
CRAMENT OF THE LORD'S SUPPER Co
THE CHRISTIAN SACRIFICE, &c 319
A BOOK FOR BEGINNERS, OR AN HELP TO YOUNG COM-
MUNICANTS
VOL. IL
A TREATISE OF THE NECESSITY AND FREQUENCY OF
RECEIVING THE HOLY COMMUNION, &c 1
A BRIEF EXPOSITION OF THE TEN COMMANDMENTS
AND THE LORD'S PRAYER 03
THE DEVOUT CHRISTIAN INSTRUCTED HOW TO PRAY
AND GIVE THANKS TO GOD, &c 107
JESUS AND THE RESURRECTION JUSTIFIED, OR THE
WITNESSES TO CHRISTIANITY. Part 1 335
► VOL. IIL
JESUS AND THE RESURRECTION JUSTIFIED, OR THE
WITNESSES TO CHRISTIANITY. Part II 1
THE GLORIOUS EPIPHANY, &c 347
THE HEART'S EASE, &c., WITH THREE DISCOURSES AP-
PENDED 493
VOL. IV.
THE PARABLE OF THE PILGRIM 1
ADVICE TO A FRIEND :Vt;
A TREATISE OF REPENTANCE AND FASTING, &c rr.i'J
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING PRAYER fi:»!i
iv
GENERAL CONTENTS.
V 0 L. V. PAGE
JEWISH HYPOCRISY, A CAVEAT TO THE PRESENT GENE-
RATION, &c I
THE EPITOME OF MAN'S DUTY 191
A FRIENDLY DEBATE BETWEEN A CONFORMIST AND A
NONCONFORMIST, &c. Parti 253
A CONTINUATION OF THE FRIENDLY DEBATE Part II. . 435
VOL. VL
A FURTHER CONTINUATION AND DEFENCE OF THE
FRIENDLY DEBATE. Part III 1
AN APPENDIX TO THE THIRD PART OF THE FRIENDLY
DEBATE, WITH A POSTSCRIPT 205
A LETTER TO THE AUTHOR OF A DISCOURSE OF ECCLE-
SIASTICAL POLITY 387
A DISCOURSE OF PROFITING BY SERMONS, &c. 405
AN EARNEST REQUEST TO MR. JOHN STANDISH, &c 433
FALSEHOOD UNMASKED, &c 445
A DISCOURSE ABOUT TRADITION, &c 471
SEARCH THE SCRIPTURES, &c 513
A SERMON PREACHED UPON ST. PETER'S DAY, WITH
SOME ENLARGEMENTS CO?
VOL. VIL
THE TEXTS EXAMINED WHICH PAPISTS CITE OUT OF
THE BIBLE TO PROVE THE SUPREMACY OF ST. PETER i
AND OF THE POPE OVER THE WHOLE CHURCH 1
THE SECOND NOTE OF THE CHURQH EXAMINED, viz. AN-
TIQUITY '. 53
THE PILLAR AND GROUND OF TRUTH, &c CO
AN ANSWER TO THE TOUCHSTONE OF THE REFORMED
GOSPEL 181
THE TRUTH OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION AGAINST THE
PRESENT ROMAN CHURCH, AN APPENDIX TO GRO-
TIUS 339
ON SCHISM. TWO TRACTS "WRITTEN AT THE REQUEST OF
THE COUNTESS OF LINDSAY 389
SERMONS 403 -«08
GENERAL CONTENTS. v
VOL. VIIL PAGE
SERMONS 1—543
A LETTER TO THE CLERGY OF ELY 54.5
THE WORK OF THE MINISTRY REPRESENTED, &c 553
THE DIGNITY OF THE CHRISTIAN PRIESTHOOD 599
AN EXHORTATION TO THE CLERGY OF ELY 627
VOL. IX.
FIFTEEN SERMONS UPON CONTENTMENT, AND RESIG-
NATION TO THE WILL OF GOD 1
TWO SERMONS UPON THE MINISTRY OF ANGELS 272
A PRIVATE PRAYER TO BE USED IN DIFFICULT TIMES. 317
A THANKSGIVING FOR OUR LATE WONDERFUL DELI-
VERANCE 820
A PRAYER FOR CHARITY, PEACE AND UNITY, TO BE
USED IN LENT 323
A PRAYER FOR HIS MAJESTY'S SUCCESS IN HIS GREAT
UNDERTAKING FOR IRELAND 326
ARTICLES TO BE INQUIRED OF THE CHURCHWARDENS
OF THE DIOCESE OF CHICHESTER 329
A LETTER TO THE CLERGY OF CHICHESTER 337
A LETTER TO THE CLERGY OF ELY 342
FORM OF CONSECRATION OF THE CHAPEL OF ST. CATHA-
RINE'S HALL, CAMBRIDGE 349
POEMS UPON DIVINE AND MORAL SUBJECTS 359
AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND APPENDIX 405
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CONTENTS OF VOL 1.
THE EDITOR'S PREFACE, pp. i— clviii.
AQUA GENITALIS;
Or a Discourse concerning Baptism.
The Preface, Page 3.
Nature of the rite or ceremony, p. 13.
The use and intention of Baptism, p. 14.
The qualities or dispositions of those that receive it, p. 24.
Who are persons to be baptized, p. 33.
Infant-baptism implied, p. 34
What time is required for preparation, p. 36.
Uses to be made of Baptism, p. 39.
Appendix, on the importance of Confirmation, p. 60.
MENSA MYSTICA;
Or a Discov/rse concerning the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
The Introduction. — Showing, i. That God manifests himself to our sense.
2. That bread and wine are fit things for the representing our Lord to us. 3. The
first reason of the celebration of this Supper, and the fittest time for us to do
this that Christ commands us. 4. Wliich is but a reiteration of what is done
in Baptism. 5. As may be seen by what I have briefly writ on that subject.
6. And if we will extend this thing further, we may lose all. The papists in
danger of this, who speak not the language of the ancient church. 7. The de-
sign of this present discourse. 8. Tlie alleging of some heathen customs and
princijjles need Ije no offence to any, but may be a help if tliey please, p. 71.
SECT. I.
The Ivfroduction.
Chap. I. — The first end of this holy feast was for a remembrance of Christ.
viii
CONTENTS OF
What it is to remember him. Tlie passover appointed for a memorial. Two
things which in this feast we commemorate. And our commemoration is made
two ways ; to men and to God. From whence we may infer two senses in
which it may be called a sacrifice, p. 95.
Chap. II It is a remembrance of Christ with thanksgiving. For it is a
feast. The Jewish feasts upon their sacrifices a pattern of it. Especially the
paschal supper, in which they sung a hymn. Our Saviour gave thanks and
blessed when he instituted this feast. And his disciples kept it vnth gladness
of heart. And all churches ever since have celebrated it with praises and
thanksgivings. From whence it is evident there are two other senses in which
it may be called a sacrifice, p. 104.
Chap. III. — Tlie third end of this feast is to be a holy rite whereby we
enter into covenant with God. For God hath made it an act of worship whereby
we acknowledge him and engage ourselves to him. As we eat at his table,
we profess ourselves to belong to his family. By feasting at the same table
covenants were anciently made. Especially by feasting on a sacrifice.
The eating of this sacrifice is a solemn oath of fidelity to him. As appear
by what the heathens thought of the devotions of the ancient Christians, p. 118.
Chap. IV. — It is further here considered as a sign and seal of remission of sin.
Which is cleared in three considerations. First, from the express words of
our Saviour in the institution of this sacrament. Secondly, from the solemn act
of charity and forgiveness which here we are bound to exercise. But especially
(thirdly) from this, that we eat of the sin-offering, and of that which was not
made for one, but for many, i. e. the whole congregation. How the sacrament
is a seal of the covenant of grace. And what assurance may be attained of our
being pardoned, p. 132.
Chap. V. — It is a means of our nearer union with the Lord Je.sus. The
nature of this union and its effect is explained in five considerations. For Christ
communicates his body and blood to us. We are kin to him by faith and love.
And receive hereby greater measures of his Spirit, which is the bond of union.
And an earnest and pledge of a happy resurrection, p. 143.
Chap. VI. — This feast is a means also of our union one with another. The
very eating together at the same table is an expression of kindness. The Pas-
chal supper was a feast of love. This holy conmiunion is much more so. Here
we all eat of one loaf. The holy kiss was a token of dear affection, which was
given at this feast. And so were the Af/apce, or feasts of charity. And the
collections then made for the poor. And sometimes one church sent a loaf to
another in token of unity. A summary of these six chapters. And two observa-
tions from the whole, p. 154.
SECT. II.
Chap. VII. — An introduction to the discourse about Preparation to the
Lord's table. Wherein those words of the Psalmist, xciii. 5, are opened, p. 1 78.
Chap. VIII.— This word PREPAEATION is to be understood with caution.
Not a little time required for it. A holy life is the best pre]>aration. For it
THE FIllST VOLUME.
ix
ought to be our constant employment to Jo God's will. Which consists of ac-
tions of diver.s sorts. Some of which have a more particular respect to
God, p. 1 80.
Chap. IX. — Four things more are treated of, which open further the nature of
this preparation, i . Those actions which respect men or ourselves, and those which
immediately respect God, are mutual preparations each to other. 2. Of those
holy actions which respect God, some are necessary and others voluntary.
Where there is a discourse concerning praying without ceasing. 3. One act of
religion is preparative to another. 4. And there are some other preparations
requisite to holy duties, besides all these. By the mention of which, way is
made for a more particular discourse concerning them, p. 186.
Chap. X. — Wliat those actions are wherein it is fit for us to be employed
before we communicate. Of setting apart some portion of our time which is
to be spent in consideration. Particularly how God hath prospered us in our
estate. Some portion of which is to be laid aside for an oblation to him. And
as we are to think of giving, so of forgiving. In order to which the duty of self-
examination is opened and pressed. The whole business of preparation is di-
gested into ten considerations, p. 197.
Chap. XI. — Some mistakes removed about preparation. Tlie primitive
Christians not too zealous. The fear of being superstitious makes many too
irreligious. No reason for the neglects of the present worldly Christians. They
fear to do that which God commands, when they fearlessly do that which he
forbids. Good people ought to be cautious lest they fall into superstition while
they study to avoid it, p. 216.
Chap. XII. — Advices and directions to those who never yet received the
holy communion. How they are to prepare and dispose themselves by ovraing
and ratifying their baptismal covenant ; by a serious search into every part of
their soul and into their lives, by approving of themselves sincere, &c. The
whole comprehended in six particulars, which are distinctly represented for
their guidance and encouragement. The conclusion of this part about prepa-
ration, p. 224.
SECT. III.
Concerninr/ the deportment of a SouJ at the Holy Table.
Chap. XIII. — Love is instead of all other directions. Yet seeing it hath many
ways to express itself, there is a necessity to guide its motions so that they may
not hinder each other : they are ranged, therefore, and set in their right places
in the next chapter, p. 234.
Chap. XIV. — When we have welcomed the day with hearty thanksgivings,
how we are to raise our affections to the several parts of this holy action.
More particularly, I . What we are to do when we see God's minister stand at
the holy table. 2. What affections are to be expressed when we see the bread
broken and the wine poured out. 3, When the minister coines to give us the
bread. 4. Wlien we take it into our hands. 5. When we eat it. 6. When we
see the same bread given to others. 7. When we receive the cup. Upon all
X
CONTENTS OF
whieli occasions several seasonable meditations are suggested. And then (8.)
meditations of the joys of heaven, and (9.) psalms of praise and thanksgiving,
will be the fittest conclusions of the solemnity, p 237.
SECT. IV.
The Postco'.nium ; or, of mir Deportment aftervard.
Chap. XV. — An entrance upon the discourse about our behaviour afterward.
Four sorts of Christians observed. We mu.st strive to be of the highest, by
striving to keep those good affections alive whicli are begotten in us at this
holy feast, p. 263.
Chap. XVI. — Eight directions for the maintaining those good resolutions that
are wrought in us, and preserving our hearts in a constant devout temper. The
principal are, not to return presently, no, not to our other honest employments ;
and to have Christ crucified often in our mind ; and to long for such another
repast ; and to live in the constant exercise of charity to our brethren, p. 265.
SECT. V.
The Benefits of Holy Commnnion.
Chap. XVII. — Pious men can best tell how sweet this feast is ; yet, for the
inviting others to it, a discourse is begun concerning its heavenlj' pleasures and
advantages, p. 284.
Chap. XVIII. — ^Three benefits that may be received by it. i. Much plea-
sure and delight, which flows from several springs. 2. Much strength and
\ngour, as is proved by the three graces of faith, hope, and charity. 3. A per-
fect cure of our sicknesises and diseases : it being medicine as well as
food, p. 288.
Chap. XIX. — The danger of coming hither unprepared opened in seven con-
siderations ; relating partly to the good, partly to the bad ; which are not in-
tended to affright men from coming, but to move them to come advisedly and
with well-prepared souls : for he sins that stays away, as well as he that comes
unworthily. Tlie excuses that men pretend for their staying away shown to
be frivolous, p. 301.
Chap. XX. — Tlie great excuse of many unmasked ; which is, that wicked
men are permitted to communicate. In which is shown the process that is to
be used before we refuse to communicate with those that are bad. The con-
clusion, p. 311.
THE CHRISTIAN SACRIFICE;
A Treatise shewing tJm Tiecessity, end, cmd manner of receiring
the Holy Communion.
The first part treats briefly of the obligations we have to coTiimuni-
cate, p. 329.
THE FIRST VOLUME.
XI
The second shows the ends and purposes of this holy action ; and contains
meditations or addresses to God suitable to each, p. 336.
You may find the first meditation, p. 338 ; the second, p. 34 1 ; the third,
p. 347 ; the fourth, p. 355 ; the fifth, p. 359 ; the sixth, p. 366 ; the seventh,
p. 372 ; the last, p. 379.
Directions for the use of them, p. 381.
A more compendious form of devotion after receiving the bread, p. 381.
After the cup, p. 383.
A shorter form than those, p. 385.
The third part shows how to dispose ourselves to receive witli prcjfit and
pleasure, p. 387.
Several meditations after the consecration of the bread and wine, and whilst
the rest of the company is receiving, pp. 391-401.
A compendium of them, p. 402.
Directions how to use them, p. 403.
An introduction to the last part of this discourse, p. 405.
Wliich contains meditations and prayers before and after tlie communion.
For January, p. 41 1 . For February, p. 421.
For March, p. 431. For April, p. 439.
For May, p. 447. For June, p. 455.
For July, p. 464. For August, p. 472.
For September, p. 481. For October, p. 489.
For November, p. 497. For December, p. 306.
For Christmas day, p. 515. For New-year's day, p. 525.
For Easter day, p. 531. For Ascension day, p 542.
For Whit Sunday, p. 552.
A dditional Prayers.
1. A prayer for humility, p. 568.
2. A prayer for charity, p. 569.
3. A prayer for meekness, p. 571.
4. A prayer for patience, p. 573.
5. A prayer for love to this holy communion, p. 574.
6. A prayer for faith in God, p. 576.
7. A prayer for resignation to God's will, and perfect contentment of
mind, p. 577.
8. A prayer for absolute obedience to God, p. 579.
9. A prayer for a heart to forgive our enemies, p. 58 1.
10. A prayer for brotherly kindness, p. 583.
Fi. A prayer for courage in the profession of Christianity, p. .i;84.
12. A prayer for a low esteem of all worldly tliing.s, p. 586.
xii
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
A BOOK FOR BEGINNEKS;
Or an Jielp to Young Communicants.
Chap. I Of the duty, p. 592.
II. — Of the necessity of this duty, p. 593.
III. — Of the end.s for which it was instituted, p. 594.
IV. — Of preparation for it, p. 596.
V. — A prayer for that morning when you intend to receive, which
may be used any time before, p. 599.
VI. — The manner of receiving.
VII Meditations and prayers afterwards, p. 607.
VIII. — Directions for a godly life suitable to this holy commu-
nion, p. 610.
IX. — Touching doubts and scruples, p. 613.
X. — Directions in case of frequent relapses into sin, p. 615.
XI The duties of children, p. 617.
XII. — The duties of servants, p. 619. *
XIII. — Advices to all young persons, p. 621.
XIV. — Directions about them that cannot read, p. 623.
XV. Directions to those that can read, p. 625.
XVI. — A necessary qualification to receive benefit by all this, p. 629.
XVII. A short prayer for the morning, p. 631.
A short prayer for the evening, p. 63 1 .
A prayer for one of riper years before the receiving of
baptism, p. 632.
A prayer for one that intends to be confirmed, p 633.
A prayer after confirmation, p. 633.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
The collected works of a scholar and di\'iue second in reputa-
tion in his own day to few, if any, of his contemporaries, during the
latter half of the seventeenth century, are now for the first time
presented to the public. Adequate justice, it must be confessed,
has not been rendered by posterity to the merits of one who, as well
by his voluminous writings as by the ceaseless energies of a long
life hallowed to the service of God and the welfare of his fellow-
men, exercised so considerable an influence upon his generation as
Symon Patrick. As a paraphrast and commentator upon Holy
Scripture he requires indeed no eulogy. His wide and well digested
learning, clear judgment, and deep religious feeling in exposition of
the inspired text, have at no time failed to secure him a position of the
highest eminence in that department. Nor is it probable that after-
generations, within the pale at least of the Church of England, will
be induced to withhold from his careful labours in that sacred field
the deference by prescription due to their value as a portion of the
classic series of Anglican hermeneutic divinity ; as the groundwork
indeed upon which later exj^ositors have for the most part proceeded
to build. By his earnest and high-toned effusions upon devotional
and contemplative subjects his name has been equally endeared to
many a generation of religious readers. Numbers have learnt with
gratitude to imbibe from his simple heartfelt language the spirit of
prayer, or to draw from his sympathetic promptings the springs
of consolation and hope under the pressure of soitow, temptation or
distress.
Yet familiar and revered as the memory of this pious prelate has
ever been and still is to all who are conversant ^vith his Commenta-
ries on the Old Testament, or with his thoughtful and feeling com-
positions illustrative of the chief practical aspects of the Christian
life; the large mass of interesting and judicious witings wherewith
he continued opportunely from time to time to meet, the religious
xiv
EDITOR'S PREFACE
requirements of his contemporaries, and to effect no inconsiderable
impression upon their sentiments and conduct, has been suffered for
the most part to drop into comparative obscurity or desuetude.
Highly valued and %\'idely spread as these several publications
originally were, the majority have long since become so rare, if not
wholly inaccessible to the public, as to have been deban-ed from
exercising their due share towards keeping alive their author's re-
putation. Nor has any friendly hand been stretched forth to erect
out of these scattered products of learned and pious toil a monument
such as in many a less deserving instance has preferred a wTiter's
name to adventitious priority in literaiy rank.
There can be no more fitting or durable memoi'ial of the merits of
one who in his generation has confen-ed conspicuous services upon
literature and religion, than that which is embodied in his collected
wTitings. Isolated and individual productions, be they never so
readily accessible to the reader, can afford but a partial and inade-
(piate conception of his capacity : the great issue of his prolific brain
and pen never having enjoyed the advantage of being grouped to-
gether in one sjTnmetrical edition. If indeed all celebrity in lettei^s
may be said, obeying the law universally inherent in the creations
of man, to gi-avitate towards oblivion, many an inferior pretender
has at least been retained in undue repute through the mere enjoy-
ment of a pri\-ilege, the absence of which has tended to relegate many
a claimant of greater intrinsic merit to undeserved obscurity.
The good effected by the labotfrs of the most able and conscientious
mind may thus go long imi'ecognized, merely because few authentic
memorials meet the eye, exhibiting the man as he illustrates the cur-
rent of events by his mitings, or stamps upon the age by direct
pei*sonal contact the impress of his mind and character. Much as per-
sonal biogi'aphy may do to perpetuate or exalt the fame of a wi-iter,
without full or ready access to his own works there can be no true
criterion of his powers, or ultimate pledge of his immortality.
In diseharwins: the task of collecting and organizing these remains
of an honoured author for presentment to the readers of a later
generation, the editor is not alone encouraged by the belief that
its merited tribute is at length paid to departed worth. There is
still more, he is convinced by grateful experience, a mental gain to
be derived from renew^ed comnumion with the good and wise of bygone
days, in which neither the church nor the public can well fail to
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
XV
participate. It is to the interest of every age to reopen the means
of familiarity with those sources of inteHcetual and spiritual power,
from whence its existing light in knowledge and \ni-tue was in great
measure originally drawn.
If the question be put, why this acknowledgement of undisputed
worth has not been earlier paid, by placing among the standard series
of volumes which bear the classic names of Anglican theology the
writings of SjTiion Patrick one excuse at least, of a material kind,
w\\] readily suggest itself, in the length to which the present series
of volumes extends. His literary style, again, grave, devout and
erudite as it is, is scarcely to be termed conspicuous for those graces
on which a wide and permanent popularity most commonly rests.
But even beyond such individual grounds of disparagement must be
taken into account the great and genei'al reaction which has set in
during the whole intervening period against the i)rinciples of that
school of which Patrick is to be regarded as a leading representative.
The benefits secured to this country by the great civil and ecclesias-
tical agitation which issued in the final expulsion of the house of Stuart
were long lost sight of, in regret for theories which in the general ca-
tastrophe had suffered disastrous shipwi-eck, as well as in sympathy
for the individuals who (however unworthy the cause) sacrificed their
interests to their convictions \vith the zeal and fortitude of martyrs.
Before the steady current of dislike engendered from this source, the
reputation of all those who, whether in literature or politics, were in-
strumental in {)roducing, or forward in welcoming, the deliverance of
1688, has demonstrably undergone unfair depreciation. Their motives
have been uncandidly aspersed ; their conduct, as ostensible gainers by
the change, has been invidiously exposed to contrast with that of the
suffering and expelled nonjurors; their patriotism decried ; their per-
sonal character darkened ; the moderation of their faith and practice
contrasted unfavourably with the obtrusive and indiscriminate zeal of
their rivals ; their very abilities depreciated, through an unwilling-
ness to concede the substantial force or validity of the conclusions
which they were devoted to uphold. The time may not even yet be
come for a fair and impartial judgment to be passed upon the chief
actors iu that memorable crisis. So lingering are the prejudices
which date from political antagonism, so permanent the impressions
which are bound up with the associations and .symbols of religious
partizanship.
XVI
!:ditors preface.
The spirit of party, whether in politics or religion, never fails to
do its utmost to disparage the powers and depreciate the achieve-
ments of an opponent. But if such he the fiite to which men are
exposed at either extremity of the political or ecclesiastical scale,
much more does it befall those men of moderate views and single
devotion to truth, who shrink from either extreme alike, not on any
weak or selfish calculation of a safe via media, but upon the stand-
ing point of a conviction higher than the conventional limits of
party : while they seek to mitigate the bitterness of each, and bring
them to approximate towards the absolute truth, which in the plu-
rality of instances really lies between them, and of which they both
in some degi-ee partake. To the twofold hostility thus provoked at
the hands of these combined antagonists is as surely superadded the
imputation of indifference and disregard to truth. Liberality and
the love of peace are then construed as mere lukewarmness or
apathy. Thus have the endeavours of the most single and earnest
minds after a loftier and more catholic unity, through blending the
minor shades of human difference under the broad outlines of
Christian belief, been denounced as if studiously calculated to merge
every essential distinction between truth and error.
Under adverse influences such as these can it be thought strange
that the character of any one among the leading agents or promoters
of the characteristic movement of the seventeenth century should
have been estimated below its real deserts 1 Even now that the
great principles which they ventured in advance of their age to pro-
mulgate have at length been solidly established, — that tolerance and
respect for the rights of conscience have acquired the force of reli-
gious sanction, while the great principles of the reformation have
been consummated by the gradual enfranchisement of the intellect,
and Christian faith enlarged by the spread of fi-ee institutions in
religion, — a candid recognition may still remain to be taken of the
services rendered by those guides and benefactors of the community,
who were the first to afford effectual proof that unfettered reason
was compatible with sound belief, civil freedom with legal order, and
even differences of creed with the highest tone of religious and social
virtue, not less than %vith mutual peace and the absence of animosity.
Society to the close of the seventeenth century was throughout in
a state of constant fimdamental change, the sequel and inevitable de-
velopment of the great religious emancipation of the sixteenth. Not
KDlTOIi'S PREFACE.
XVII
that the tide of opinion set uniformly fi-oni tlie first in one definite
current. It was marked on the contrary by the widest oscillations of
ebb and flow. The great ideas set in motion in the preceding age were
working out for themselves their respective channels, and manifesting
their inherent tendencies; issuing indeed in a nearer assimilation
in the end to each other, but only after each party had enjoyed its
brief period of almost undisputed ascendency, and given way in turn
to its expectant and subversive rival. About the middle of the cen-
tury, however, the current began to settle into its definite and steady
onflow, and the mind of the age to show signs of its becoming con-
scious, so to say, of the fundamental idea which deeply underlay its
secret yearnings and aspirations. That idea was Toleration, the ex-
pression of a new sense of unity, a craving after peace and brother-
hood, on the basis not of exclusiveness but of comprehension : an idea
which, long cherished by higher minds, was only to be realised at large
as the meeting point of hostile beliefs, when the forces of antagonism
were spent : — only rose into appreciation as the single bright spot of
refuge from the storms of wasting, hopeless, irreconcilable strife.
It is chiefly as connected by anticipation with the broad and com-
prehensive movement thus shadowed out, as having been one of the
first to imbibe its spirit, and by his after-life and influence to con-
firm and diffuse its principles within the church of which he was an
ornament, that the wi'iter before us possesses a claim to our interest
and attention. His history is that of a school. He can never be
understood apart fi-om those ideas of progress which were embodied in
definite form by the Latitudinai'ians or Latitude-men of Cambridge.
Of all the great divines of the second season of the reformation
there is none whose life and wi'itings offer a more fitting opportunity
for studying minutely the interior principles by which the mind of
the English nation was then being moulded to its subsecjuent and
abiding type, with more especial reference to that moral and religious
training on which every real advance in civilization must ever rest.
With the view of assigning to the following volumes the signifi-
cance which of right belongs to them, and defining the place which
they should appropriately occupy in theological literature, some pre-
liminary consideration is required of the source from whence they
emanated ; in other words, of the special influences under which their
author's mind was formed. The neces.sary clue will be sought in a brief
survey and analysis of the principles of the Latitudinarian school as it
xvm
EUITOKS PREFACE.
stands related to the general history of contemporary opinion, under
the three primary aspects of Philosophy, Politics, and lleligion.
I. It was only after a process of discipline unexampled in severity
during the entire course of its domestic annals, after each section of
opinion in turn had undergone the extremity of suffering, after the
most cherished traditions had been rudely shaken, and the most
vigorous institutions overthrown, that the nation at large was
taught to appreciate those large princijiles of tolerance and reci-
procal charity, which might have been educed independently, and at
an earlier period, fi'om a deeper insight into the time spirit of Chris-
tianity ; as they were destined ultimately to be adopted, as the pro-
fession at least of every party, political or ecclesiastical, in the com-
munity. A few superior minds alone were capable of grasping and
enunciating these compi-ehensive ideas, in anticipation of the experi-
mental development and painful training of events ; and of thus
marking out in advance that track in which society continued to
move by progressive stages towards a more solid and consummate
civilization ; until at length the spirit of the age grew up to the
standard which they had in idea long antecedently assigned to it.
Dating fi'om a point of social and national crisis, when the civil con-
stitution of the kingdom lay radically overthrown, and its religious
unity seemed iiTctrievably shattered by the multitudinous forms of
dissent which had supplanted the national church, the conception of
a new union or regeneration of society, through a recurrence to first
principles, and on mainly abstract or philosophical gi'ounds, began
just before the middle of the century to stir and extend itself within
the intellectual circle of the universities, where the current of
thought and contemplation ran on with less disturbance from the
storms of civil discord.
Driven by the aspect of affairs, no less than by a profound study of
human nature, to abandon as impracticable and illusory the vision of
religious or social pacification on the basis of dogmatic uniformity, a
few thoughtful men were led by the philosophic instinct of abstract
order, in aid of the Christian sentiment of peace and harmony, to the
conception of a new catholicity to be defined by comprehension. Not
that they perhaps clearly or consciously as yet proposed to them-
selves any universal scheme of religious and ci\dl organization.
Catholicity was with them ratlier an instinct than a theory. Far
KDITOirs iM{EKA(!p:.
XIX
from committing themselves with unpractical prcciiiitation to wliat
must long have remained a remote and transcendental hypothesis,
their energies were less directed towards propounding any definite
ideal scheme of doctrine, than to securing the ground for those fun-
damental principles which, left to their own free expansion, might
with safety be tiusted to develope in the end their legitimate
practical results.
Throughout the critical changes which in the course of the last
two centuries have passed over the English church and nation, —
changes which cannot fail to make themselves felt down to the latest
development of our civil and ecclesiastical polity, and must be i-e-
garded as the mainspring or primary turning-point oi modern
English life, mannei-s, and convictions, — the key-note of continuity has
been that struck at the outset by the originators of that remarkable
movement within the church, which received as a stigma of suspicion
or reproach the epithet of Latitudinarian. The history of that bril-
liant and suggestive school of thought (which has to the present day
been most inadequately delineated) forms, in fact, one of the most
interesting and instructive episodes in the annals of intellectual pro-
gress or general civilization in these kingdoms. In a purely specu-
lative point of view it is coincident with the history of the Platonic
revival in English literature. The affinity between the genius of
Platonism and that of Christianity is no new oi- anomalous pheno-
menon in the spiritual growth of the human mind. The spirit of the
Greek academy had, ere it expired fifteen centuries before, in its
latest phase of Alexandrian theosophy, passed into the church
through the minds of her ablest fathers. The mental discipline and
profound leaniing of Oriental Hellenism contributed to mould the
distinctive facts and doctrines of revelation into the dogmatic or-
ganism of Christian theology, and to inform with a scientific soul the
living and energetic body of Christian belief. The same intellectual
influence was now once more evoked to regulate the final stage of
transition from ancient to modern philosophy, from the age of
authority to that of evidence, from the sterile and effete Aristotelism
of the mediaeval schools to the new era of experimental investigation,
inaugurated in this countiy by the genius of Bacon.
But the scope or i)ur])ose of this new and latest impulse towards
Platonic culture was hy no means limited to that of abstract specu-
lation. Essentially of the widest and most catholic type, and con-
b 2
EDITOR\S PREFACE.
necting itself immediately with the realities of ethical and political
truth, it aimed at blending, on grounds more strictly eclectic than
dogmatic, the elevating aims and spiritualizing design of academic
idealism, with the experimental method and utilitarian application of
the realistic scheme, first reduced by Bacon to the consistence of a
system.
It was not till after the death of Bacon that the effects of the vast
revolution wi'ought by his instrumentality in the realms of philoso-
phical culture began to be generally manifest in English education.
For the first quarter of that century, the prevailing current of
thought and study at both universities, since the decay of the scho-
lastic system, had continued to run in the direction of dogmatic
ideality, as finally perfected by Descartes and his disciple Rohault.
A thorough and lasting change then ensued in the whole course
of academical pursuits. At Oxford the adhesion to the principles of
what was termed " the new philosophy" was the most conspicuous,
immediate and general. But in his ovm miiversity the bold and
promising appeal of Bacon to the study of nature found an eager re-
sponse in a number of gifted and energetic disciples ; foremost among
whom may be enumerated the names of Isaac Barrow, the predeces-
sor of the greater Newton, of Whichcote and Cudworth, active heads
of colleges, of Worthington, Wilkins, and Rust, and of John Bay, the
founder of natm-al history in England. The first intellects of the day
were at once enlisted in favour of that naturalistic impulse, which has
proved itself the seminal idea of all subsequent scientific progi'ess
A contingency, however, which experience has since proved to be
by no means wholly imaginary, was not slow in rousing the apprehen-
sions of some among the warmest adherents of the new philosophy.
Basing his system exclusively upon physical experimentation, and
discarding all other modes of cognition or avenues of truth for the
single use of the inductive method, Bacon had consistently placed
the united pro\4nces of ethics and theology beyond the pale of his
new unity of the sciences. He appears to have held his own creed
by an effort of the will, or as a legacy fi-om the past, rather than as
the result of conscious conviction and the crowning triumph of the
intellect. In the antithesis thus authoritatively proclaimed between
a Patrick's writings bear frequent witness to his familiarity with the -works,
and admiration for the genius of Bacon. Few authors of the English school
are more frequently refeiTed to in the following volumes.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
XXI
reason and faith, religion and philosojjhy, lay tlie germ of that mate-
rialistic tendency wliich has since threatened at times the Christian
allegiance of the scientific spirit, and led to the negation of all spi-
ritual or supersensual truth on the part of whole classes of its profes-
sors, who are proud of vindicating their affinity, by legitimate descent,
with the parent stock of Verulamian realism
At this critical juncture in the destinies of philosophy, when the
newly-opened field of naturalistic science was impelling the most
acute and active intellects in the direction of material discovery, and
its greatest master had set the example of eliminating from its scope
all direct recognition of the facts of ethics or theology as such, a
service of inestimable value was rendered at once to sound phi-
losophy and true religion, by the infusion of an active element of
Platonic theism. Distinguished no less by their ardour in the inves-
tigation of natui-e, or of the mathematical and exact sciences, than
by their profound classical scholarship, and their intimate acquaint-
ance with the metaphysical and theological learning of antiquity, the
Platonic revivalists at Cambridge found themselves in a position
to modalize the incipient tendencies to materialism introduced by
Bacon, and transmitted by him to all later phases of sensational
philosophy, by the more ideal temper and more abstract method of
the most spiritual school of Greece.
A sufficiently comprehensive gi-ound was thus obtained for once
more incorporating within the pale of scientific reference the ideas of
the absolute and infinite, together with those which have since been
classified under the heads of teleology and ontology; ideas which can
in strict logical illation culminate only in Christian theism. Pushing
its keen analysis into the depths both of psychical and physical phe-
nomena, English Platonism found a key to the joint secrets of spirit
and matter, a link between the divine and human minds; whilst it
vindicated the spirit of religion from the reproach of intellectual ste-
rility, by consummating its union with the spirit of science. Blending
the purely ideal method of the Hellenic, with the practical fidelity to
fact characteristic of the Baconian system, it presented as logical in-
For the links of parental relation between the reali.sm of Bacon and the
latest phases of materialistic and atlieistic speculation, the reader is referred to
the .able monograph of Dr. Kuno Fischer, Franz Baco von Verulam, &c., recently
translated by Mr. Oxenford, and M. de E^musat's clear and polished cssjiv,
Bacon, soil temps, so, ric el s« jihilosophie, jusrju'n nos jours, 8vo. I'aris, 1857.
xxii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
struments of investigation the a priori method of deductive reasoning
perfected in the syllogistic formulas of the schoolmen, in combina-
tion with, and supplemented by the inventive process of induction
successfully employed by Plato, and adopted from him by Bacon as
the key to the prospective discoveries of science. Through the
former or transcendental process were obtained the means of con-
tact with the world of ideas or spiritual reality, no less than through
the latter or descendcntal with that of physical facts or sensible
phenomena. The intellect, under this more comprehensive organon
of knowledge, was thus maintained in equilibrium between two op-
posite tendencies to error. The first of these lay in that exclusive
dependence on ideal or deductive ratiocination, which must have
continued to lead either to a sterile dogmatism, or to an exagger-
ated and unphilosophic use of the dialectic and imaginative powers.
The second was to be feared from unrestricted reliance upon in-
ductive experimentation, and the accumulation of isolated facts ; con-
ducing, as it must, in turn, to a narrow and grovelling empiricism, or
to the negation of all certainty beyond the limits of the senses. In
the distinctive tone imparted by the Platonistic method of reasoning
to the technical character of English thought, may be discerned
already the first outlines of that saving reaction by which the scien-
tific spirit in this country has been rescued as a whole from de-
scending into the abyss of unbelief, materialistic, necessitarian, and
atheistic, towards which Hobbes already led the way, followed rapidly
by Bayle and the Encyclopsedists, and into which Positivism has finally
been plunged under the more recent leadership of Comte.
II. No less opportune or salutary was the attitude assumed by the
leading minds of the same educational movement in the face of the
gi'ave political changes, which during that revolutionary epoch con-
tinued without cessation to agitate society. Their opinions were
formed at a time when the civil condition of the countiy was one of
unexampled confusion. The monarchy had just succumbed to the
iiTesistible outburst of popular force, after a bold but ineffectual
struggle on the part of the crown for the reinstatement of its earlier
prerogatives. The theory of the hereditary irresponsible authority of
the sovereign, resting upon divine sanctions, identified as it was with
the dynasty of the Stuarts, had received its first deadly blow at the
hands of the commonalty. On the other hand, ;i liricf but calainitous
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
XXlll
experience had sufficiently taught the uufituess of re})ublicau institu-
tions to the temper of the nation, not less than the evils of a state
of anarchy, or of the scarcely less galling yoke of irresponsible mili-
tary despotism.
The external juncture of affairs seemed of itself to call for a some-
what eclectic rather than a dogmatic view of future settlement. It
was ripe for the dissemination of those enlarged views by which so
many conflicting forces might be balanced, as well as of that mode-
rate and conciliatory temper in civil controversy, which was to be
expected in minds deeply imbued with the critical study of the
past, and philosophically observant of the phenomena and the laws
of social action. The familiarity of the Latitudinarians with the
varied and complex political organizations of early Greece, joined to
the speculative creations of the classic idealists, and the scientific for-
mulas of Koman jm-isprudence, preeminently fitted them for the task
of political reconstruction. Their judgment and temper, trained in the
severe discipline of exact philosophy, and raised to an intellectual
elevation above the passions and prejudices of the multitude, cpiali-
fied them to look beneath the surface, and to read the signs of the
times with something of prophetic insight into the exigencies and
the conditions of the coming sei'a of society. As di^anes and men
of sedentary thought they were called upon to take a less promi-
nent part than others in the active struggles of the civil war or the
revolution. But so far as their sacred calling permitted none are
found more uniformly conspicuous, especially among the ecclesiasti-
cal orders, in embracing those measures of pacification which gra-
dually restored the balance of the popular and imperial interests in
the state, or in promoting that last constitutional straggle by which,
wth scarcely an appeal to force, the supremacy of the sovereign
was adjusted to the freedom of the subject, by the final settlement
of 1688.
In the more esoteric field of political literature, in which not
action, but thought, is the motive and guiding power, the same in-
tellectual influences bore their most appropriate results. The sub-
versive paradoxes of the atomistic or selfish school in politics, re-
presented by Hobbes, together with the nobler but not less visionary
model of the republican partj^, headed by Milton, may Ik; taken to
embody the princii)al forms of opposition, which, springing out of
the new or Baconian system of opinions, threatened on the side of
XXIV
EUITOK'S PKEFACE.
innovation to modify or to supersede the prescriptive constitution of
the realm. An opposite tendency, more strictly reactionary in cha-
racter, was exerted towards the assertion of indefeasible right in the
sovereign, and passive obedience on the part of the subject ; an al-
ternative supported to the end by the highest section of churchmen,
Thorndike, Filmer, L'Estrange, and the non-jurors, and by the ultra-
montane paiiizans of Rome ; to the latter of whom the extinction of
the popular liberties held out no delusive promise of once more
subordinating the kingdom, through its sovereign, to the rule of the
papacy. To fi-ame a theory in which the fundamental institutions
of the country should be maintained in conformity with the genuine
English tradition, — a theory neither absolutist nor republican, resting
neither on material force nor on unreasoning superstition. — equally
removed fi-om the pretence of theocratic despotism, and the dreams
of socialist democracy, — yet embracing the vital ideas of which each of
those extreme notions was an abnormal and perverted form, — ^was a
problem in political calculation, such as required not only a far higher
and more comprehensive standing point, but a platform of gi-eater
breadth and solidity than had previously been secm*ed by any school
of English statesmanship. Such a solution was pro\-ided in the broad
and deeply reasoned premises laid doAvn by thinkers of the Latitu-
dinarian type. The gi-ound which they took up seems to have
approached most nearly to that shortly afterwards adopted by the
moderate or philosophical section of the early WTiig party. Their
axioms of polity tended closely to that mixed or constitutional form,
in accordance yvith which the relations between sovereign and people
have since been more jjractically defined through the influence of events
and the progi-ess of legislation. Loyalists at heart, their regalism
was leavened by liberal philosophy. Then- eclectic turn of reasoning
seems to have led them to anticipate in its general form the modern
theory of correlative forces in the state, held in check by the sense
of reciprocal obligation, and united by the bond of an identifica-
tion of interests*^. In their witings were propounded, nearly a
generation in advance, those principles of constitutional law and
jurisprudence, whereby, mainly under the auspices of their pupils in
Such were in effect the grounds on which Cudworth, one of the prin-
cipal writers and reputed founders of the Platonic or latitudinarian school, en-
countered the arguments of the Leviathan respecting the grounds of social
and political order, in the concluding chapter of his " Intellectual system.'"
EDITOR'S PRFFACE.
XXV
church and state, the crisis of 1688 was permanently adjusted. The
conduct of men like Patrick may on a shallow or jealous view have
been attributed to ignoble motives of self-interest fl. But it was the
result of long and deep con\-iction, upheld amid no little peril. It
was consistent in them to welcome a policy which, regulating at
once the prerogative of the crown and the immunities of the sub-
ject, and reconciling in perpetuity civil freedom with regal authority,
could enlist the spontaneous sympathies and energies of the nation
in support of public order and the supremacy of the legislature.
III. A striking change in the method and spirit of religious contro-
versy is traceable fi-om about the middle of the seventeenth century.
The points in agitation are from that time seen to concern not so
much specific articles of faith, the Creeds, or the dogmatic teaching of
the church, as the primary grounds of all religion, or the fundamental
constitution of the church itself in scripture and reason. The basis of
discussion is gi-adually refeiTed back to that of first principles, at
the same time that the mode of arbitration is narrowed and sim-
plified. A less dogmatic and more argumentative tone is obsei-ved
to prevail. More habitual reference is made to external proof, and
greater scope and power entrusted to the individual judgment. It
was felt that the time was going Vjy when the belief and convictions
of men could be determined by the lessons of their childhood, or
overruled and suspended by an act of their ovra will, in deference to
the teaching of their professional guides, or of any human canon of
authority. No mere appeal to the prescriptive rule of the church,
or of the first ages, could satisfy the gr'owing independence of
modern thought. The Christian fathers and councils ceasing to be
refeiTcd to as ultimate authorities, but being examined as witnesses
to fact, or materials for forming individual conviction, the study
of the patristic writings began even unduly to decline. Polemical
treatises became less replete with primitive and medieval precedents,
but developed greater skill and energy in argument. The dialectic
subtleties and transcendental hypotheses of the schoolmen were
finally discarded, and the solution of controverted problems sought
through a more direct and single reference to the text of Scrip-
"1 This charge is insinuated against Patrick by name, together witli Tillotson
and Burnet, in a Jacobite libel, An Epitaph on Pas.sive Obedience, 1688. (MS.
Cole, 582^. fol. fir. in Brit. M\is.) Compare Swift's note on Burnet, i. ^16.
XXVI
EDITOirS PREFACE.
ture and the laws of logical j^roof. Thus the question raised being
one of first principles, or relating to the primai-y seat of truth,
the power of arbitration had been transferred fi-om the conscience
to the reason. The age of authority had given way to the age
of evidence.
So great a change in the grounds and tenure of religious belief
could not be expected to pass without giving rise to embarrassments
and even dangers of its own. Within the pale of Christian profes-
sion a nmltiplicity of sects as endless in the variety as unbounded
in the extravagance of their tenets, seemed to render nugatory every
attempt at bringing back the nation at large to any single denomina-
tion of Christian faitli. But a still graver peril awaited Christianity
in the growth of a new body of cultivated opinion external to
itself, and openly inimical to its existence. A firm and immediate
stand had to be made against those perverted views of the newly
opened aspects of nature, which under the tutelage of Hobbes were
already being made the foundation of a definite antagonism to the
whole spirit of religion. The germ was implanted in the mind of
the age of that school of scientific unbelief which in succeeding gene-
rations, under the auspices of Bayle, Shaftesbury, Bolingbroke, and
Hume, assumed the organization of a philosophic league for the
downfall of Christianity, and called forth as a counteracting influ-
ence the talents and energies of a long line of Christian apologists.
For the vindication of revealed truth against the assaults of scien-
tific infidelity there was obviously needed an equally high and exact
scientific culture, if only to preserve the advocates of religion fi-om
a snare into which they have unhappily been too prone to fall, that,
namely, of opposing themselves to the study of nature altogether, in-
stead of seeking in natural phenomena rightly interpreted a witness
to the truths of revelation. The task before them was propei-ly that
of framing such wider generalizations as should connect the infinite
i-ange of divinely ordered facts and laws now opened in creation
with those antecedent ideas of Deity which had come down from
the past ; in other words, that of re-casting the earlier dogmatic con-
ceptions and definitions moulded in the metaphysical alembic of the
schoolmen, in terms of the naturalistic or experimental philosophy,
drawn with more exactness from direct observation of phenomena.
The dogmatic had to be harmonized with the rational, the deductive
with the inventive modes of thought. The ])osition of religion rela-
EDITOli'8 PREFACE
XX vn
tively to the whole scheme of knowledge having thus to be reviewed
ab hiit'io, there was for the first time elearly drawn the great and
lasting distinction between Natural and Revealed Religion. From
that memorable crisis is to be dated the foundation of that great
English school of natural theology, in which the entire body of the
Christian evidences has since undergone the process of systematic
reconstruction. The fabric of modern divinity thus grew up less in
accordance with a doctrinal than an ethical law. A new and distinct
province was thenceforth constituted in theological literature, under
the auspices of that philosophical class, to whom the jealousies or
fears of their less advancing contemporaries attached a special
appellation in the party nomenclature of the time, as "moi-al" or
" rational" theologians. Foremost among these for breadth, free-
dom and simplicity of view, the eclectic Platonists soon drew upon
themselves the further synonyme of " Latitudinarians."
The value of an exact and severe philosophical discipline was at
once apparent in the firm and independent ground which it afforded
for reconstructing both the evidences and the superincumbent fabric
of religion in the face of the theological difficulties of the time. The
influence of the " new philosophy" may be detected fi-om that period
in two different, though not essentially hostile directions.
At Oxford the current of theological inquiry inclined in the main
to the masculine realistic form of Protestantism, of which Chilling-
worth may be regarded as the type. That of Cambridge was tinc-
tured by the more romantic, ideal, and somewhat mystical Catholi-
cism of the later Academic or Neo-Platonic school. Taking as its
point of departure the axioms of natural religion, determined by
strict scientific analysis of the human consciousness in its relation to
the infinite and the absolute, the Platonic method of inquiry led the
mind by successive steps of reasoning from the primary truths of
theism to the distinctive basis of Christian conviction, the personal
revelation of God in holy Scripture. The new divinity brought to the
interpretation of the written word the aids of the cultivated intellect,
beside the precedents of Christian antiquity. Against the assaults of
the sceptic or the rationalist it presented the firm fi-o!it of tlieistic
demonstration ; against conflicting shapes of I'eligious error, the no
less solid structure of scriptural and historical proof. Proceeding
in the order of conception from the idea of the religious life in
the individual to that of the church, in reverse of the ancient
or medieval rule, it aimed at founding on certain general postu-
xxvin
KDlTOllS PREFACE.
lates, or eleineutaiy recepta of belief, the laws of Christian union.
Thus while tenacious, \vithout abatement or compromise, of every
essential article of the gospel, as categorically enunciated in lioly
wi-it, and systematically defined in the Creeds, it refused to nar-
row the terms of salvation or conditions of communion beyond the
limits set by scripture and the first ages, and sought to extend a
charitable latitude and discretion to matters not in themselves fun-
damental, or of express divine enactment, not suited equally to the
temjjerament of every branch of the church, or every variety of
man's nature.
Without pretending to estimate the entire changes which have
since passed over theological controversy through tiie influence of
the " rational" or " latitudinarian" school, it is not difficult to con-
nect its later phases with the precedents first distinctively set by the
scientific thinkers of the Platonizing section. The broad grounds
of Scripture and reason laid down by them have at least enabled an
independent and impregnable position to be maintained between the
two extreme forms of antagonism, by which (speaking largely) the
integrity of the Church of England has from time to time been
jeopardized. The two poles between which the great mass of un-
settled conviction has continued to oscillate may be described in
general terms as those of Romanism and Puritanism.
So far as either of these two powerfiil forces might be taken to
represent the spiritual requirements of large classes of mankind in
imperfectly evangelized society, or to embody any deep and abiding,
albeit defective sentiment in the human mind, the problem of its en-
tire suppression or extinction has at no time appeared capable of a
practical solution. Weaker minds have sought to escape fi-om one
extreme by taking refuge in the other. But by the bold yet scriji-
tural attitude assumed by the philosophic divines each form of error
was disarmed of its power to compromise the general cause. They
dared to act on the eclectic maxim that no policy could be so effec-
tual in dealing Avith perverted or conflicting systems of opinion as
that which by its inherent affinity for truth absorbs fi'eely and spon-
taneously whatsoever of good and true they respectively contain, re-
jecting and eliminating the unsound and detrimental elements : not
jealously shrinking from any wise institution or salutaiy usage, merely
because it may be enjoyed by an opponent ; yet \vithal rc])udiating
or cutting off every thing scandalous or untrue, even should it in-
volve the confession of weakness or oversight at home.
EDITOU'S PREFACE.
XXIX
Tims without any morbid and unreasoning fear of every thing <h
facto within tlie pale of Rome, the exclusive claims of the popedom
to universal supremacy met in divines of this catholic spirit their most
consistent and powerful antagonists. To the claims of sacerdotal
absolutism indeed, whether emanating from Rome or Geneva, they
were opposed by their most elementary principles. In their theory
of church government and organization they sought to identify them-
selves with the earliest ages. The primitive rule had grown up out
of the simple germ left at the close of the canon of apostolic
inspiration, in liarmouy with the scientific formulas of Roman law,
and the constitutional maxims of the greatest jurisconsults of the
empire. It had been recently once more reconstructed, in its ap-
plication to the modern exigences of the church, and the altered
conditions of society, by the judicious intellect and profound learning
of Hooker^. The collective church, and not any S2)ecial order or caste
within it, was, consistently with that view, declared to be the de-
positary of divine power. Within this general unity various degrees
and kinds of spiritual authority might coexist, and be delegated to
different and correlative centres or agents. But no mere usage or
prescription could deprive the church collective, or any particular
branch of the whole, of its inherent right to determine its own form
of government, ritual and discipline, within the limits actually laid
down by the first inspired founders of the church.
Convinced as they were of the superior claims of the episcopal, as
the apostolic (and till recently unbroken) institution of gospel hie-
rarchj', hcjlders of these views were not disposed hastily to deny the
terms of salvation, or the title to church-membership, to such as
from early prejudice or constitutional difference were satisfied with
a less primitive or perfect model of ecclesiastical organization. To
the protestant bodies on the continent who, orthodox in doctrine,
had from various causes lap.sed from the episcopal standard, they
were forward in extending the hand of fellowship and communion,
and may be viewed as the precursors of the various attempts which
have since been made towards a general comprehension or alliance
on the basis of a common Protestantism. At liome, however, they
threw the whole force of their intellects and energies into a power-
ful, though temperate reaction against the narrow persecuting spirit
of Puritanism, then in its highest ascendency. Nothing could l)e
See Keble's Preface to Hooker, vol.i. \t. Ixxviii,
XXX
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
more abliurix'ut fi-oni tlieij- generous and liljcral temperament, than
a system which, having lost in its season of power the simple gran-
deur of its early faith, seemed but to re^nve the most hateful features
of Jewish Pharisaism ; overshadowing \vith its tone of scrupulous
precision the whole ciu'rent of the national character ; interdicting all
geniality or confidence in the intercourse of public, and the manners
of private life ; substituting a legal measure for spontaneous fi-eedom
as its rituid standard ; propagating its joyless gospel by niultiph'ing
inducements to hj'pocritical affectation of sanctity, alienating the
young, wearying the earnest-hearted, and drj-ing up all the springs
of intellectual vigour in literature, enteqirise, taste, science and art.
The bold and striking contrast to the tone and bias of the pm-i-
tanic faction displayed by the first movers of a more liberal spirit
within the church, warmly attached, both by evangelical teaching
and philosophical culture, to the rights of conscience and reason,
led originally to their receiving at the hands of their opponents
t!ie epithet of " Latitude-men" or " Latitudinarians." Though at
first designed, and, in later times, too often employed as the vehicle
for insinuating a charge of indifference or laxity in religious faith,
in the term thus chosen an unconscious compliment was virtually
conveyed to the superior freedom and enlargement of belief which
it served to betoken. The notices of contemporary writers enable
us to fix with pi'ecision both the date and the circumstances which
mark the accession of this expressive epithet to the terminology of
party. " In opposition," says the anonymous author of the best
account of the new school, " to that hide-bound, strait-lac'd spirit
that did then prevail, they were called Latitude-men ; for that was
the first original of the name, whatever sense hath since been put
upon it^" Burnet's account of the origin of the name justifies no less
strongly the xiew which has here been given. " They studied," he
writes, " to examine further into the nature of things than had been
done formerly. They declared against superstition on the one hand,
and enthusiasm on the other. They loved the constitution of the
church, and the liturgy, and could well live under them ; but they did
not think it unlawful to live under another form. They wished that
things might have been carried with more moderation. And they
" " An Account of the New Sect of Latitude-meu," in a letter of S. P. of
Cambridge to G. B. of Oxford. The question of the authorship of this re-
markable tract, generally a.ssigned to Patrick, will be reverted to at a subse-
quent page.
EDITOR'S I'liEFACE.
continued to keep a good correspondence with those who had dif-
fered from them in opinion, and allowed a great freedom both in
philosophy and in divinity ; fi'om whence they were called men of
latitude. And upon this men of narrower thoughts and fiercer
tempers fastened upon them the name of Latitudinarians."- — i. 324.
Hallamf, while he omits to mention Patrick, whom Burnet point-
edly includes in his list of the latitudinarian or Platonizing theolo-
gians, characterises them generally as " learned rather in profane
philosophy than in the fathers ; more full of Plato and Plotinus than
J erome or Chrysostom ; great maintainers of natural religion and
of the eternal laws of morality ; not very solicitous about systems
of orthodoxy, and limiting very considerably beyond the notions of
former ages the fundamental tenets of Christiauityc."
<■ Introduction to the History of Literature, iv. 147. Sir Philip Warwick, in
his Memoirs, written immediately after the restoration, expresses himseK as
" heartily sorry that there is a new word of distinction come up amonsrst us,
viz. Latitudinarian." — p. 69. This allusion seems to fix approximately the
date of the earliest introduction of the epithet.
s A brief summary of the materials from which the present rapid outline of
the tenets of the Platonic or Latitudinarian divines has been principally drawn,
in addition to the invaluable letter of S. P., — which may also assist the stu-
dent in framing a more complete picture of so important an episode in literary
and ecclesiastical history, may not be unacceptable in this place.
The published remains of the leading agents in the revival of Platonism in
England, Cudworth, Whichcote, Wilkins. More, Worthington and Smith, offer
naturally the most direct and authentic sources of information respecting the
general principles of that school, of which Patrick may be regarded as the
most faithful and diligent exponent in their application to the theory and prac-
tice of religion and morality.
A spirited exposition and defence of latitudinarian views in relation to theo-
logy was put forth anonymously in 1670, and reprinted in the following year,
in an 8vo volume, entitled, "The principles and practices of certain modenite
divines of the Church of England (greatly misunderstood) truly represented and
defended," in three parts. It was the work of Edward Fowler, an Oxford
divine, rector of Northolt in Bedfordshire, and subsequently of All Hallows,
Bread St., and St. Giles', Cripplegate, in London, and in 1691 consecrated to
the see of Gloucester. (Wood, iv. 613.) Fowler vindicates at length, on the same
grounds as Chillingworth, the theory of fundamentals, as the basis of accord
both with the primitive and modem reformed churches. Claiming the authority
of Ussher, Bramhall, and others of the most esteemed and orthodox Anglican
divines, he justifies subscription to the 39 articles as terms of union and com-
prehension, not as exclusive definitions of doctrine, (in complete accordance with
Patrick's own language in his letter to Mapletoft, vol. ix. p. 617,) and pleads
the sanction of the church herself in favour of a liberal and charitable interpreta-
tion. Rebutting the charge of Arniinianism, he substantiates the teaching of
his school as "a middle way between the Calvini.sts and Remonstrants," and
xxxn
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
To Whiclicote and Cud worth, the great reformers iu their day of tlic
educational coui"se at Cambridge, is to be traced by unvarying con-
sent the j^aternity of that specific system of opinions, — scientific,
pohtical, and religious, — which had its common centre in a nucleus
of Platonic ideas. It was still more fully developed by Henry More
and John Smith, under whose care Patrick received his early training
at the university. Within the brief and necessarily condensed analysis
here attempted, no more has been found possible than to define in the
most genei-al terms the leading principles of that movement, and its
effects upon the later development of thought. It was not consistent
with the nature or designs of the Platonic revival to estalJtish itself in
instances as a parallel the method propounded by Catharinus at the council of
Trent for reconciling the Dominicans and Franciscans. The weak and conomon-
place cavils at the use of human reason and the prominence of " morality" in
their religious teaching are briefly and conclusively set aside.
A violent but feeble attack was made upon the school in 1677, by John
Warly, D. D., late Fellow of Clare Hall, in "The Reasoning Apostate, or
modem latitude man considered, as he opposeth the authority of the king and
the church." He therein compares their recourse to reason in defence of religion
and church government with the rashness of Uzzah " in supporting the tottering
ark with their discourses," and charges them with " taking oS from the au-
thority of the church, to be (as Cassian says of the secular order of men in the
Roman church) sacerdoturientes, a new kind of Grey-friars in the reformed
religion, not pressing the authority of the church or the fathers."
Dr. James Duport, Regius Professor of Greek at Cambridge, Master of
Magdalene, and predecessor to Patrick in the deanery of Peterborough, a
divine of profound classical learning and liberal scholarship, expressed his dis-
like to the new and invidious designation in his 3Iusa suhsecivce, or Poelica
stromata, published in 1676, in a smart epigram in Latitudinarios, (p. 58.)
Meric Casaubon, a firm devotee to scholastic divinitj', was strenuous in op-
posing the union of religion with philosophy. South, in his capacity of public
orator, made the new opinions the subject of a facetious attack in the Oxford
rostrum. Glanvill, on the contrary, who made some pretensions to physical
science, finding something in the weaker phases of Platonism which harmonized
with his cravings for the supernatural and the superstitious, was disposed to
lend a modified support to the league of theology with natural reason.
In addition to the brief historical notices of Burnet and Hallam, Briicker's
account of the revival of Platonism in England wiU be found instructive, as
connecting it with the correlative agencies in the histoiy of intellectual pro-
gress on the continent. But the English reader will with reason demur to the
sweeping criticism with which he merges the tender if at times enthusiastic
piety of Heniy More, and the solid though paradoxical and somewhat pedantic
belief of Cudworth, with the mysterious theurgy and transcendental cabbalism
of Reuchlin, Pico, Ficino, George of Trebisond, Agrippa, and other sages of the
same mystic sept of Germany and Italy, which he classifies as philosopJtia
Piltltugm-ico-PIatonico-Cahhalhtica, (Hist. Philos. iv. 433-448.) Further illus-
trations will be found in Morhof'.^ Polyhistor, vol. ii. 4t, 125, 211.
EDITOR S PREFACE
XXXlll
perpetuity as a distinctive party or school in literature or the church ;
nor need the traces of any such systematic design be sought for in the
wi'itings of its founders. Yet their work must not be thought to
have passed away with them, any more than the total effects produced
by their agency upon the general progress of thought and opinion
are to be measured by .their scanty literary remains. Their mission as
reformers of education may be said to have lain less in founding a per-
manent order or sect in philosophy, than in imparting a specific impulse
to the general cuiTcnt of thought, and throwing in a leaven of ideas
which should enter into the entire mental system of the age. Thus
the influence of their ideal method in speculative reasoning may be
traced, through its effect upon the genius of Ne\vton, as it pervades
the whole course of later physical science. Their broad and more
eclectic formulas of morals, psychology, and polity, qualifying in
part those of Locke, the representative of the latitudinarianism of
Oxford, affected the entire tenor of the national ethics, metaphysics,
and jurisprudence ; while in the conduct of religious controversy
much of the subsequent gain in fi-eedom, elevation, and charity may
be as logically traced back, by no overstrained analysis, to the rational
and tolerant tone which they were mainly instrumental in enforcing^.
It is certain that the usage of the term Latitudinarian was exported
to the continent fi-om this country. But the date of its earliest introduc-
tion cannot be traced with the same precision : nor is it equally clear at
what period the opinions it was employed to designate began first to
assume the aspect of a distinct system or philosophical creed. In rela-
tion to the general history of speculative philosophy, the movement may be
said to have borne a relation to the revolutionizing doctrines of Spinoza
very similar to that assumed by its correlative noi-m of thought in England to-
wards the innovatory theories of Bacon, or rather of Hobbes. The attempt
however to revivify the weakened forces of orthodoxy by the new processes of
free inquiry was not there based so much upon the Platonic hypothesis of abso-
lute ideas or laws of certainty, as upon the sceptical ground of the indefinite-
ness and incertitude of truth in its primary and ultimate forms. Its tendency
was in consequence less to strengthen and solidify than to embarrass the at-
tempt to make the light of recent science subservient to the cause of reli-
gious belief and Christian union. Both at home and abroad the fundamental
conception of latitude started from the hope of distinguishing between the es-
sence and the minor accessaries of the faith, and recurring to the simplest unity
by duly subordinating the circumstantials of Christianity to what was absolutely
of its essence. The same vague and indiscriminate clamour was attendant on
both attempts alike, as "rational," Pelagian, Socinian, even atheistic. But it
must be admitted that the weight of odium bore with a very different amount of
plausibility upon the two cases. Tlie continental programme of latitude was
C
XXXIV
EDlTOJrS PRKFACE.
The restoration of the inonarcliy and the church aflPorded imme-
diate and opportune scope for the action of a number of able minds
trained in the masculine and liberal discipline which has been thus
marked by the absence of those elements of stability and strength which the
English Platonizers possessed in a deeply scriptural faith and an apostolic
polity. The trust of the latter lay in rallying the scattered convictions of the
age to the standard of the early Creeds. The foreign school, flattering it in its
dislike of strictness, was disposed to ignore, in the doctrines of the Incarnation
and the Atonement, the very basis of Christendom itself.
The practical adoption of the word Latitudinarian appears to date from the
various efforts set on foot under those principles for a general union or re-
conciliation of Protestants in France, Swtzerland, parts of Germany, and the
Low Countries, especially of the several Lutheran bodies and the reformed
Calvinistic or Zwinghan churches of Geneva. The fetal stumblingblock to
every scheme of comprehension lay in the difficult problem of defining the limits
of orthodox concession in the direction of Arian or Socinian tenets. By con-
senting to throw down the barriers which guarded the atonement, and open to
the Unitarian the portals to full ecclesiastical communion, the foreign latitudi-
narians not only transcended, but absolutely negatived the conditions of catho-
licity which had been professed, and to a great extent established, by their
brethren in this country. Thus D'Huisseau, a professor and pastor at Saumur,
who promulgated in 1670, " La Reunion du Christianiame, ou la manifere
de rejoindre tous les Chretiens sous une seule confession de foi," included
in his comprehensive scheme of confession the Eastern and Western
churches, Greeks, Romanists and Protestants, episcopalians and presbyterians,
not even excepting the Unitarians. Supported as it was by many Calvinian
pastors of note, Papin, Pajon, Pictet, Elias Saurin, and many theologians of
the liberal school of Saumur, this extravagant and shadowy project was forth-
with condemned by the synod of Anjou Its chief antagonist was Jurieu, a dis-
tinguished C'alvinist divine of Dutch extraction, who had received Anglican
orders, but subsequently exercised presbyterian functions in France and Hol-
land. Himself an advocate for comprehension, on the basis of orthodoxy in
doctrine, and indifferent to forms of ecclesiastical organization, Jurieu de-
nounced as replete with Socinianism and infidelity the unbounded liberalism
which would extend the limits of fellowship to the Romish and Arian commu-
nions. In 1696 he put forth "La Religion du Latitudinaire, avec apologie
pour la doctrine de la Sainte Trinity," in which he speaks of the latitudinarians
as secte pernicieuse qui est dans les entniilhs de Verjlise. Elle les derarera, si
Dieu n'y apporte de forts rernedes. . . Episcopnus et Courcelie, he complains, ont
fait jilug de Sociniens que CrelUus et Socin. Professing to accept Saurin's fair
and moderate definition of a latitude-man, C'est un homme qui travaiUe a elar//er
le chemin du salut, et qui saure le plus de gens qu'il pjeut, Jurieu yet demurs
to the use of reason as the arbiter of religious truth. Drawing attention to
the encroachments reported to have been recently made by Socinian sentiments
in England, he adverts with alarm to Locke's advocacy of reason and tolerance,
to the controversy occasioned by Sherlock's Vindication of the Trinity, and his
sermon at Oxford, Nov. 25, 1695, formally condemned by the university, and
to a treatise called " Tlie Naked Gospel," for which the author (Arthur Buryt
EDITOirS PREFACE.
xxxv
broadly delineated*. A new generation of divdnes seemed called for
by the exigencies of the moment. The veiy grounds of Chi-istian
conviction in the public mind had become so grievously unsettled, old
associations broken up, and traditionary veneration alienated if not
extinct, that there was needed a class of spiritual teachers specially
qualified at such a crisis to control the tide of sectarian divergence,
and mediate between the primeval system of the church and novel
but influential forms of opinion external to hei'. The cliurch's spi-
ritual resources had to be adapted to the requirements of a period of
transition, while the theory of her constitution and the tenor of her
religious teaching partook necessarily of the plastic character of the
age.
Of those among the clergy to whom the epithet of Latitudinarian
was popularly applied, several had, with Tillotson, passed into the
cliurch ft-om the ranks of presbyterian dissent. Others, such as
Patrick, although not born within its pale, had been brought by
the force of circumstances sufficiently into contact with it to esti-
mate rightly its hollowness and acerbity, and to cling with en-
had been deprived of the rectorate of Exeter College, Oxford^ in 1691, on the
charge of Socinianism.
In reply to Jurieu, Bury published in 1697, " Latitudinarius orthodoxus. . . .
accesserunt Vindiciae libertatis ecclesiae Anglicanae et Arthuri Bury, S. T. P.,
contra ineptias et calumnias P. Jurieu ;" in which he complains of intolerant
treatment, reviews the general principles of his party in their bearing on the
most essential dogmas of Christianity, and without meeting directly the charge
of Socinianism, pleads against the existing restraints upon freedom and inter-
communion.
A valuable list of the polemical literature to which the Saumurian contro-
versy gave birth, and which may be consulted in further illustration of the de-
velopment of the policy of latitude and comprehension on the continent, is
given in Grasse's Lehrbuch fiir Literargeschiohte, vol. iii. pt. 2. p. 389 sqq.
The paper on Schemes of Comprehension contributed by the Rev. H. B. Wilson
to the Oxford Essays for 1857, supplies much useful infonuation relating to the
later phases of the movement at home as well as abroad.
' The influence of other minds, albeit not originally moulded in the specific
matrix of Platonism, must not be passed over, the force of whose genius was
lent to the promotion of tolerance and the enlargement of the terms of salvation.
The names of Hooker, Hales, Chillingworth, and Jeremy Taylor, as they have
too often shared the reproach of latitudinarianism, so are they entitled to a
place in the catalogue of those whose labours converged by slightly different
paths into one and the same field. The Ecclesia.stical Polity, tlie Religion of
Protestants, and the Liberty of Prophesying, form memoralile links in the
chain \iy which the rights of reason and tlie truths of revelation have been
steadily .approximated, aiid at length durably solidified.
C 2
xxxvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
hanced devotion to the bosom of the church. So long as the govern-
ment and formularies of the church seemed helplessly in abeyance,
and the presbyterian platform, established under legislative sanction
as the national form of worship, offered for all practical pui-poses the
only available means of guiding and elevating the religious life of
the masses, men of Patricks earnest reality and strong sense of
ministerial duty were unable to refuse their cooperation, provi-
sionally at least, with its external rule. At the same time their
earliest associations, fortified by mature conviction, led them to
cherish a preferential desire and veneration for the more primitive
system of their fathers. In his own case Patrick recounts with
much candour and truth of feeling the conflict of mind through
which he had to pass, when having submitted to presbyterian ordi-
nation he became finally convinced by his own study of the fathers,
(the epistles of Ignatius in particular,) and the arguments of Ham-
mond and Thorndike, of the necessity of episcopal orders as an in-
stitution of the apostles. Having resolved to qualify himself for the
ministry in a legitimate manner l)y the imposition of the hands of
a bishop, he was by the good offices of the venerable Joseph Hall,
the expelled bishop of Norwich, admitted in one day to the cumu-
lative ordei-s of deacon and priest. He notwithstanding considered
himself by no means precluded from still conforming to the esta-
blished regime of ecclesiastical organization, or fi-om subjecting him-
self to the ordeal of examination by the committee of triers, on being
I)resented to the li^•ing of BatterseaJ. The constant aim of his pas-
toral j)olicy in his parish was to raise the spiritual tone and stimu-
late the religious requirements of his congi-egation, preparing them
gradually and with the utmost judgment for the re-introduction of a
sounder and more apostolic regimen. Eemote as such a restora-
tion mu.st then have appeared, his writings for years before the
event are yet conspicuous for a boldness and elevation of teaching,
such as may well excite the sui'prise and veneration of the reader,
who duly ponders the amount of sectarian prejudice and polemical
virulence rife during that unliappy period^. Admirably adapted,
j See vol. ix. p. 423.
k To this period of Patrick's career belong his earliest publications upon the
sacraments, " Aqua Genitalis," and " Mensa Mystica ;" as well as his "Jewish
Hjrpocrisy," in which he exposes with indignant severitj' the lax and specious
antinomianism into which the popular religion had largely degenerated, to-
gether with the Pharisaical sanctimony of its most forward professors.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
XXXVll
as ovidencetl by the result, was so moderate and conciliatory a
course to disarm animosity and suspiciou, and to prepare the
popular mind for a recurrence to a truer standard. Too wise to
betray the opportunity then opening by unduly precipitating a re-
turn to forms and practices long disused, he was careful to lead
the way by familiarizing his flock with the nature and the advan-
tages of the church's system, and the beauties of her liturgy; pre-
paring for a complete resumption of the Anglican ritual, by fre-
quently " preaching about forms of prayer, the lawfulness and neces-
sity of them," and (to continue his own words) " shewing that unity
and peace was far better than those things we were apt to contend
about 1."
It was providential for the welfare of religion during so critical a
period of transition, that so many of the church's most influential
outposts were in the keeping of men of the same judicious and phi-
losophical training, and capable of similar laige and comprehensive
views of ecclesiastical policy. In the hard school of personal expe-
rience they had made acquaintance with the true nature of those
causes of discontent, which had served to alienate for a season the
heart of the nation at large from its legitimate spiritual mother, and
in an age unsurpassed for religious fervour had arrayed so much of
the deepest piety, the most burning zeal, and the most generous
thirst for freedom in unnatural rebellion against her rule. A deeper
insight into the actual requirements of the time disposed them to-
wards a policy of conciliation as a means of restoring imion, and of
recovering to the church the moral ascendancy she had lately lost.
The immense advantages opened to her by the restoration might be
employed to the subjugation of dissent, by better and more effica-
cious measures than those of forcible repression or penal disability.
A generation had grown up in unavoidable ignorance of her doc-
trinal and disciplinary system, whose allegiance it might not be dif-
ficult to vnn, were she but suffered to put forth her divine charac-
teristics, scripturally free from extremes on either hand ; untainted
by the corruptions of Rome, or the license of dissent ; neither intoxi-
cated by extravagant and reactionary counsels, nor yet inclined rashly
to surrender the high prestige of apostolic organization. A tender re-
' This latter .sentiment may be viewed as a key to much of Patrick's cliarac-
ter, and as no infelicitous parallel to the celebrated saying of his fi-iond 'I'i!
lotson to Beveridge, "Doctor, doctor, charity is above rubrics." — See Birch, p. 1 2 2
xxxvni
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
garcl to the ])rejuclices uiul lesser seruples of consciences just emerg-
ing from the gloomy bondage of puritan precision, enabled the more
emphatic stress to be laid upon those essential blessings which she
had to offer, of scriptural teaching and catholic communion. By the
simple process of remo^nug or modifying whatever in her legalized
machineiy, in mattere not scripturally ordained or vital to salvation,
might be fairly chargeable as scandalous to conscience, obsolete,
or oppressive, a sufficienth' broad portal might be opened for re-
engaging under the ensign of the church much of the dissatisfied
piety and restless enthusiasm which had temporarily strayed to sec-
tarian standards ; as well as for incorporating into her apostolate
much that was most highly gifted and most personally estimable
in the ranks of the noucoufonnist ministry.
Stigmatized as they were with equal malevolence by the partizans
of each extreme in the scale of party, — upbraided at once with too
loose and liberal a leaning by such as would deny all terms to past
seceders, and with a timeserving, prelatical, and Erastian spirit by
the fanatics of the other side, who repudiated all compromise with
episcopacy and Arminianism, — it mil scarcely now be pretended that
the degree of latitude advocated by Patrick and the clergy of his class
went beyond that moderate measure of reform in which ever lies the
truest and most consistent conservatism ; or that fii-m grasp of pri-
marj- principle which enables the mind to balance the mere externals
or circumstantials of religion in due subordination to its funda-
mental and essential verities : unmoved alike by the subversive em-
piricism of a blind and ill considered progress, and the aggrandizing
theories of a bigoted and reactionary clique. The emergency past,
a more decided re\Hval of primitive usage, and a steatlier recun-ence
to catholic standards of doctrine, became gi'adually practicable, with-
out being in any degree inconsistent Mnth those earlier and well-timed
concessions to a temporary weakness and scrupulosity of conscience.
To any careful and critical reader of the following volumes, not only a
more ])ractical and less mystic tone of thought, but a higher and more
distinctive tone of churchmanship, dating from the point of vantage
thus secirred, -will be in effect not the least noteworthy of those cha-
racteristics which mark the gi-adual development of the writer's mind
and sentiments, in common with many others of his school.
From that early familiarity with Neo-Platonic literature to which
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
XXXIX
allusion has been made, particularly the theosophy of the Alexan-
drian syncretists, Philo, Proclus, Porphyry, and Plotinus, was mainly
derived that specific tincture of mysticism in the religious writings
of Patrick, in common with many of his contemporaries at Cam-
bridge, which suggests a comparison Avith the genius of Pascal and
Fenelon, or the romantic pietism of the preceding age in Germany
and Spain "o. A kindred impulse, natural and spontaneous in minds
of an intensely self-conscious and meditative temperament, seems to
have led many at that time to nurture the imagination upon the mys-
tic lore of the East, and the transcendental rhapsodies of Tauler and
Behmen, Bonaventura and St. Francis de Sales. It must in candour
be regretted that the veneration of some of the Platonic fi-aternity of
Cambridge for the newly reopened speculations of Alexandria should
have been immodei-ate and injurious. It has exposed them to the
reflection of having exalted the wisdom of expiring Paganism above
that of patristic Christendom ; and of having lent their sanction to a
theory of interpretation of Holy Scripture, such as exhaled less the
godly simplicity of primitive orthodoxy, than the mythical savour of
Philo or Ammonius Saccas. So great was the deference paid by
some to the authority of Plato, that it seemed as though uo evidence
of a theological tenet fulfilled their canon of exactitude, until it had
been verified by express reference to the text of his iihilosophical
lucubrations. Some were even charged, not without reason, with
merging the distinctive origin of the Gospel, as a direct and per-
sonal message from the Deity, in the anticipatory speculations of the
Platonic Socrates, and with daring to trace the most profound and
essential disclosures of St. Paul or St. John to the j)revious intima-
tions of their favourite sage, whom they seemed willing to invest
with the quasi-attributes of prophecy and inspiration. The effu-
sions of Henry More, and even of Cudworth, furnish memorable in-
stances of the perils, if unrestricted, of this speculative tendency
"1 The applicability of this comparison would have been materially enhanced,
had it been found feasible to present to the reader in extenso Patrick's volu-
minous correspondence with Lady Gauden, breathing tliroughout an air of
Platonic and romantic sympathy ; which it was only possible to include in an
abridged and fragmentary form in tlie Appendix.
" An able critical essay, "An Investigation of the Ti'inity of I'lato and of
Philo Judaeu.s," was published in 1795 by Ciesar Morgan, formerly a college
pupil of Paley, and then rector of Wisbeach and cliaplain to Yorke bishop of
Ely. In this work, which has recently been reprinted for tlie syndics of the
xl
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
So seductive a germ of fancy might unquestionably, but for higher
influences, have developed, in the instance of the English school of
Platonism, as in that of their Alexandrine masters, into a fantastic
and soulless syncretism ; a strange union of Hellenic and oriental ele-
ments ; a fusion of the gospel of Christ with the fables of Zoroaster,
or the ecstatic theurgy of the Rosicrucian and Cabbalistic mysteries;
to the extinction of the simplicity and purity of the evangelical sen-
timent. But a catastrophe such as actually befell the course of
Platonic revival upon the continent ' was ha})pily counteracted in
this coimtry by the deep intuitional sense of piety, and healthy
realistic instincts of the English mind, fostered by the growing study
of the facts of external natui-e, and a return to the simple scriptural
standard of the first ages. As regards its influence upon the mind
of Patrick individually, it is not um'easonable to presume that the
early diversion of his thoughts and energies into the active field of
ministerial duty may have had scarcely less effect, under divine grace,
in restraining so valuable an instrument in the training of souls
within the bounds of sober judgment, and in conformity with the
soundest tests of temperate and practical belief.
No less characteristic of the same school of divines was their
attitude as regarded the important questions then in agitation con-
cerning the functions of the human will in relation to the power of
divine grace. A strong line of divergence, due in part to the influ-
ence of local or temporary causes, here separates the course of Platonic
development in England from that of the continent. Abroad, the
urgent pressure of ultramontane and Jesuit polemics naturally de-
termined the mystical leaning of Port Royal and Saumur in the
direction of Jansenistic and supralapsarian Calvinism. The conflict
with Genevan and Scottish puritanism at home could not fail on the
contrary in producing the effect of diverting the Platonic movement
'at Cambridge in favour of a markedly Arminian theology. Classical
Pitt Press, Morgan controverts successfully many of Cudworth's positions, and
exposes the looseness both of scholarship and theological reasoning with which
he had striven to identify the teaching of St. John and St. Paul on the article
of the eternal subsistence and incarnation of the Son or Word of God with
Plato's speculative doctrine of the A.6yos or Divine Reason. The writings of
AUix and others on the Whistonian controversy abound with similar illustra-
tions.
o Compare Briicker, quoted above, p. xxxii.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
xli
culture and Attic pliilosophy, the study of Stoic and Epicurean ethicB,
and the didactic maxima of Epictetus, Seneca, and Marcus Antoni-
nus, combined with the groAving consciousness of human energy and
volition kindled by the healthy naturalism of Baconian science, be-
came the centre of a powerful counteraction against that strong Au-
tinomian bias which during the suppression of the church of England
had crept into the popular teaching. The whole weight of latitudi-
narian talent was thrown into the scale of the Remonstrant reaction,
in opposition to the decisions of Dort. Patristic study reverted
once more in favour of the Grreek fathers- and early Christian apo-
logists, anterior to the Augustiuian decrees. The writings of Grotius,
Calixtus, Limborch, and above all Episcopius, whose Institutes formed
the most popular text book at each of the universities during the
latter half of the seventeenth century P, had a corresponding in-
fluence in moulding the minds of that generation of divines, and
imparting a decidedly Arminian infusion to the stream of later
Anglican theology.
But, beyond this mainly negative or accidental impulse, a reason
of an antecedent and more positive kind will not fail to suggest
itself for this strong Arminian predilection.
Of the two great alternative systems of modem reformed theology
that of Calvin was for obvious reasons not the one most calculated
to attract a class of minds whose religious belief was held in in-
timate union with secular science, and whose whole idea of Christ-
ianity was animated less by a dogmatic than an ethical design.
A creed which virtually pronounced a science of religion in the strict
sense impossible, — which started from the assumption, in its most
naked form, of the total depravation of the intellectual no less than
the spiritual nature of man, — which denied to the human understand-
ing the right to scrutinize God's being and designs, and to the
human will the capacity to modify or resist his decrees, — and which
referred the work of man's salvation to a point in the divine prede-
termination and election, of which revelation itself opened no cogni-
zance, and to an operation of the Holy Ghost, to which not even the
modified degree of law involved in the formulas of Christian ethics
could be assigned as a witness to man's spontaneity, — could neither
invite nor tolerate an alliance with the inquiring and independent
spirit of human philosophy. Its dogmas of absolute predestination,
P See Nelson's life of Bull, p. 20; and Hallam, iv. ji. 448.
xlii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
of irreversible election, of indefectible grace, of an exterior necessity
preveuient to and wholly determining the functions of the human
agent, could offer neither grounds of logic nor bonds of sympathy for
such an indulgence of independent i-eason and volition. How, it
was felt, without habitual confidence in the trustworthiness and fi-ee
action of man's faculties, could any systematic scheme of abstract or
natural science be constructed ? Without volition, and its coordinate
responsibility, what formula could be found on which to generalize
the phenomena of ethics, or to regulate and classify the laws of imi-
versal action 1 Hence it naturally followed that the first inchoate
efforts of the inquiring spirit of modern times to subject the grounds
of religion to the tests of reason and natural law, and to reduce the
Christian evidences to a symmetrical body of intellectual and ethical
proof, were accompanied by a decided prepossession on the part of
the philosophical classes for the divinity of Arminius and the Grotian
school, as opposed to that of Calvin and Beza.
It has been one design of these preliminary remarks, brief and
inadequate as they unavoidably are, to enable the reader to bring to
the perusal of the following volumes some knowledge of the philo-
sophical and theological antecedents of their author. Their end
^vill not have been wholly lost, if they assist towards interpi-eting
any peculiarities in the constitution of his mind or character which
might otherwise be taken to bespeak an exceptional and not always
safe or healthful idiosyncrasy. Without some such imderstauding
it might be difficult to explain or appreciate those special points in
which his writings stand contrasted Avith the better known standards
within the same communion ; or to extenuate certain tendencies that
under a rigidly scriptural test have been held to detract from that
purity and singleness of belief, which in all general respects deseiTcdly
qualify him as the most sound and tnistworthy of religious guides.
The friend and protege of Whichcote and Cudworth, with whom the
Platonic movement at Cambridge is known to have oi-iginated, — the
contemporary and admirer of Henry More, and confidential pupil of
John Smith, its two most ardent and talented expositors, — Patrick
is specifically named by Burnet (himself an active partizan of liberal
views) in association with Stillingfleet and Tillotson, as most con-
spicuous and influential in diffusing the broad principles of the
latitudinariau school, in their application to the doctrines and
EDITOR'S l^REFACE.
xliii
practice of religion, froui the most pi'omiiient of the metropolitan
pulpits. Able and zealous preacliei'S, conscientious and indefatiga-
ble in discharging the practical duties of the ministry, at a time
when the parochial clergy of London wielded a control over public
opinion which has knoAvn no later parallel, faithful guardians of
the rights of conscience and the liberties of the realm in the face
of a Romanizing and reactionary court, such pastors commanded
with reason the confidence of their flocks during the crisis of civil
revolution and ecclesiastical confusion. To have aided by precept
and example in rallying the forces of religious conviction against
the encroachments of tyi-anny and superstition, while steadjang the
opinions and passions of the multitude through the convulsive efforts
of self-emancipation, must be ranked as not the least among the
many claims which the Latitude-men of that generation, and Patrick
as not their least worthy representative, must be deemed to have
established to the regard and veneration of posterity.
But a more express and personal reason exists for cb*awing atten-
tion to the history and tenets of the party of Latitude in connection
with the present publication. The most systematic analysis and vin-
dication of the principles and designs of that school has very ge-
nerally been attributed to Patrick's pen. It is entitled, " A Brief
Account of the new sect of Latitude-men, together with some re-
flections upon the new philosophy, by S. P. of Cambridge, in answer
to a letter from his friend G. B. of Oxford ;" dated, " Cambridge,
June 1 2th, 1662." The original tract, consisting of but 24 pages,
4to, has long been extremely scarce ; but its contents are readily
accessible in the pages of the Phoenix, (an invaluable repertory of
rare tracts and pamphlets belonging to the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, compiled by an anonymous collector, and published in
1 707-1 708,) in which it has been reprinted, vol. ii. jip. 499-518 ;
The initials of the writer's name, together with the known fact of
Patrick's connection with the school in question, and a certain ge-
neral similarity both in sentiment and style between the letter of
S. P. and Patrick's acknowledged writings, have furnished plausible
grounds for the current opinion of its authorship. The editor has not-
withstanding felt it to be his duty, albeit with much l egret, to with-
hold from this valuable tract a place among the present series. His
reasons for this refusal may be succinctly stated as follows :
xliv
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
1. First, the total absence of any allusion to the letter of S. P. in
Patrick's personal memoir of his owa life, in which he has been stu-
diously careful to enumerate, with scarcely an exception, every pro-
duction of his pen, whether originally published anonymously or
bearing his name, together vnth the special circumstances which led
to its composition. His accuracy in this respect has enabled more
than one work to be assigned to him with unhesitating certainty
which could have been identified by no other means ; whilst others
currently attributed to him have been transferred to the credit
of his brother John. His utter silence in regard to the tract in
question must be considered as almost in itself a conclusive disproof
of its authenticity 1.
2. His minute statement of the matters of personal interest by
which his time and attention were occupied at the date of the
letter tends equally to preclude all likelihood of Patrick's having
been the MTiter. The period in question coincides closely with
that of the anxious and somewhat perilous legal proceedings in
which he was involved by his abortive election to the master-
ship of Queen's college "■. Absorbed as he states himself to have
been in the prosecution of this suit, and harassed by the vexa-
tious delays and illegal impediments interposed by the judges, in
subser\-ience to the dictates of the com-t, little leisure or abstrac-
tion of thought would be left him for a speculative thesis on philo-
sophical reform. He had moreover for years ceased to reside at the
university; and although he had then left behind him a repute for
ability and scholarship such as induced his contemporaries at Queen's
college almost unanimously to desire his retm-n as head of their
society, yet his o^vn decided tastes and inclinations had led him to
withdi'aw fi-om the arena of academic speculation and polemics for
the more congenial labours of the pastoral office. His o^vn artless
and unaffected recital shews how completely the conscientious dis-
charge of these duties engrossed his energies and leisure, to the ex-
clusion of the philosophic studies of an earlier day.
1 Kennet mentions the first appearance of the pamphlet, but hazards no con-
jecture as to its author. — Register and Chronicle, p. 709. As also Birch, p. 326.
' See vol. ix. p. 436. "No return being made to the writ of mandamus, I
had an alias granted me on the 31st of May, and June 6th I had a new motion
made for me, which was granted me i but on the 14th my business was put
off till next temi." He was obviously in London during the whole course of
those transactions.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
xlv
3. It may be asked, on the other hand, who else can be designated
by these initial letters, assuming them to liave been intended bona
fide as a cloak for a real personality % There is certainly no indivi-
vidual of note at that date at either university whose name permits
liim to be satisfactorily identified with the -m-iter. It were utterly
irrelevant to adduce the claims of Samuel Parker, who, changeable
and elastic as his opinions indubitably were, is not known to have
advocated at any period of his career the sentiments of latitude, and
who actually put forth three years later views diametrically opposite
to, and perhaps in intentional contravention of those of" S. P.," under
the title of " A Free and Impartial Censure of the Platonic Philo-
sophy," in a letter to his fi-iend Mr. Nathaniel Bisbie. Besides,
Oxfoi'd, not Cambridge, was Parker's university, he having gi-a-
duated B. A. at Wadham, Feb. 28, 1659-60.
Another notable S. P., Samuel Pepys, had obtained distinction at
Cambridge, where he took the degree of M. A. at Magdalene in 1660.
Frivolous and wasteftd of his powers as his Diary depicts him to have
been, Pepys was yet possessed of ability and wit quite sufficient to
qualify him for inditing as clever a hrochure. But neither his avowed
sentiments nor his known avocations at the time specified are at all
compatible with the hypothesis of his having constituted himself
the champion of latitudinarian and Platonic innovation.
It is no less difficult, on the other hand, to establish the identity
of the correspondent whose name may be thought veiled under the
initials "G. B." The name of Gilbert Burnet will doubtless suggest
itself to most minds on a first hasty conjecture. Burnet, it need
hardly be said, is well known as an active exponent of latitudina-
rian views, and as having been, at a later period at least, on terms of
intimacy with Patrick in private, and nearly associated with him in
public life, by the ties both of official position and party connection.
But Bumet, it can be clearly proved, had not at the date specified ef-
fected his fii'.st journey into England. According to his own statement
he was actually in this country during part of the year 1662. But
this fact, in order to agree with his son's completer narrative, must be
understood, with allowance for the subsequent change of style, aa really
coinciding with the first quarter of 16633. It was not till the latter
year that he paid his earliest visit to each of the English universities in
• See Burnet's Own Time, i. .{45, and Life by hia son, vi. 740.
xlvi
p:DiTOirs prefacp:.
succession, proceeding to London, after a short residence at Oxford,
\vith lettei'S of introduction to the leading clergy of the metropolis,
Patrick among the number. He was then about the age of nineteen.
It is obvious from these considerations that he could not have been
in familiar coirespondence Avith Patrick so early as the month of
June in the previous year.
The most probable conclusion seems to be, that no particular indi-
viduals are really indicated by either jiair of initials. The letters
were fancifully and arbitrarily adopted by the anonjTnous wi'itei'
with a \iew to eluding publicity in accordance with the common
usage of the time, when the consequences of bold and innovating
statements were not to be lightly disregarded. No hj'pothesis
draAvn from them can therefore be conclusive as to the authorship
of the tract. With respect to contents and style, the letter of " S. P."
presents, it is true, in its ■vivacity and humour, many points of
similarity Avith Patrick's " Friendly Debate." It exposes the unmean-
ing verbiage and fanciful dialectics of the expiring system of the
schools, with much of the same point and irony which made the
latter tell with so much force upon the inflated and bombastic affec-
tation of pm-itan precision. Certain peculiar phrases and tm'ns of
expression may equally be noticed as of common occurrence in both.
Still there may in such a fact be nothing more than a casual coin-
cidence in phraseology, arising out of the technical correspondence
of the argument in both cases, or the current habit of polemical
language. Nor does the letter exhibit any of that imdertone of
serious pui'pose, and constant reference to religious principle, which
characterises even Patrick's most severe and caustic effusions. Its
object is to set forth the rival agencies which were then at work for
the philosophical regeneration of society, and contested the ascen-
dancy in the intellectual domain of the universities. It traces in a
rapid and lively manner the distinctive spirit of the new and old
philosophies, and the struggle between the naturalistic and revo-
' The force of this hypothesis is strengthened by the following allusion in a
contemporary tract, An Answer to a Letter of inquiry (hy Echard) into the
grounds and occasions of the Contempt of the Clergy: — "If you know the
gentleman, and will give any credit to him, who gives an account of the new
sect of Latitude-men, in a letter to his friend G. B., who I believe may be akin
to your friend B. L., hoth feigned persons" — p. 31. Lend. 1671. Quoted in a note
on Robinson's Autobiography, by the Eev. J. E. B. Mayor, p. 220.
EDITOR\S PREFACE.
xlvii
lutionary method of Bacon, and the dialectic subtleties of the middle
ages. With equal boldness and temper it vindicates the wide views
of religious truth and ecclesiastical polity to which the school of Lati-
tude owed its appellation. Repelling the idle and ignorant charges
of Hobbism, Socinianism, and infidelity, to which their bold attempt
to meet those en-ors by an appeal to right reason and natural law
had made them liable, the m-iter puts forth ably the claims of his
pai-ty to be considered the truest fi-iends of the church, and soimdest
defenders of orthodoxy ; rendering reason the trusty stay of religion,
and freedom the surest guarantee of firm and stable government.
The moral of the piece is carried home in a clever and spirited
allegory. Religion, or the church, under the figure of an ancient
clock in imperfect unison with time, and needing repair, is repre-
sented as undergoing the experimental treatment of sundry arti-
ficers, who impersonate the several sects of philosophy in their rela-
tion to spiritual truth.
The Peripatetic or scholastic system, the Cartesian or idealist, the
Atomistic or that of Malmesbury, and the naturalistic or Baconian,
have each its representative in the controversy ; who, one and all,
dilate amusingly upon their respective nostrums for the reparation
of the time-worn structure. Their wrangling proving ineffectual, a
moving appeal is finally put forth for the reintroduction of Christ-
ianity to " her old loving nurse, the Platonick philosophy." " True
philosophy," it is earnestly and convincingly argued, " can never
hurt sound divinity, nor vnW it be possible otherwise to fi-ee religion
from scorn and contempt, if her priests be not as well skilled in
nature as the people, and her champions furnished with as good
artillery as her enemies."
Be this little tract, however, the genuine work of Patrick or not,
it is unquestionably in general sentiment and scope such as might
consistently have been written by him, or by any equally able and
zealous upholder of the principles of right reason in union Avith soxmd
religion. It maybe read with interest and profit in connection wth
his writings, as the most exact and authoritative exponent in theory
of sentiments which he was among the first to adopt and exemplify
in practice, as the rule of his ministiy to spiritual and intellectual
progress, — sentiments which, then prophetic, have since made for
themselves a place and a i)ower, and having survived the prejudices
xlviii
?:ditor'S prb:face.
and passions of two hundred years, are still bearinj^ fruit in increas-
ing truth, fi-eedom, enlightenment, and concord.
While assigning to Patrick a place of the highest eminence among
the theologians of his time, no attempt need be made to challenge on
his behalf any invidious comparison of intellectual merit -with those
great names which the church of England has ever justly cherished
as those of her chiefest luminaries. Such a contrast of personal
pretensions were not less detrimental to his fair claims as an in-
genious, spiritually-minded and truthful wiiter, than it would have
been abhorrent from his own diffident estimate of his powers, and
innate insensibility to the pride or conceit of literaiy fame.
It is by no such jealous equation of individual merits that his
true place in the scale of contemporary intellect is to be deter-
mined. Neither in graceful erudition, in teeming fancy, in the
poet's power to kindle or to melt the soul, in subtlety of thought
or melody of phrase, may he claim to impugn the supremacy
of Jeremy Taylor. In gravely balanced scholarship, in logical
tenacity and critical acumen, he may hold no rivalry with Pearson,
any more than he emulates Bull in the vigour of his dialectics,
or the precision and depth of his dogmatic definitions. In
polemical warfare his arguments may disappoint us of the clear-
ness, breadth, and nervous energy of Chillingworth ; while in deli-
neating the finer distinctions of human duty, or broad niles of moral
practice, we may allow to Sanderson a firmer and more masculine
grasp of casuistry and ethics. Few will perhaps discern, either
in his didactic essays or homiletic remains, the secret of that unsur-
passed ascendency which he is known to have wielded over his
readers in the closet, and his auditory in the congregation. His
eloquence in the pulpit, as specimens of its quality have come down
to us, certainly sufiers by comparison with the measm-ed dignity
and rhythm of Barrow, or even the smooth and polished gi-ace of Til-
lotson. In his devotional eflusions he cannot be said habitually or
even often to have attained the simple purity of Wilson or the
angelic tenderness of Ken. There is nevertheless an order of merit
in some respects secondaiy, Avhich, availing itself of many and
wider points of contact, will raise itself by accumulative force to a
degree of rank not far from the highest. Looking to the extent
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
xlix
and variety of his labours, — to the wide field which he has trodden,
if not with the commanding step of genius, yet with the patient
foot of disciplined and earnest toil, — ti'aversing, as he has done,
well-nigh every province of thought, in which each of his great
competitors made for the most part singly for himself the path-
way to renown, — to have risen to so close a proximity to each in
his individual walk of culture, may be held no trivial meed of com-
mendation.
Patrick must in fairness be judged not so much by the brilliance
or originality of his writings, as by their solidity, accuracy and
breadth of range ; by the comprehensiveness, vigour, and fecundity,
rather than the boldness or novelty of his mental gifts. Not a line
that he has Avritten but is marked by practical good sense, earnest-
ness of purpose, and total unconsciousness of display. Had he been
more studious of effect, he could well have commanded greater grace
and elegance of diction ; as, had he concentrated his powers upon
a nan'ower range of subjects, he might without doubt have vied
more nearly with the most distinguished exemplars of learning and
genius. In the various and not often compatible tasks of theo-
logian, critic, metaphysician, moralist, antiquary, polemic, casuist,
liturgist, biographer, and poet, to attain the absolute summit of ex-
cellence was scarcely within the powers of a single man. To have
secured even average success, without sinking into utter mediocrity or
failure, is more than could have been anticipated from most men. Nor
should it be overlooked that the copious and multiform fruits of his
toil were fostered by no lettered ease or academic retirement, but
amassed, as it were, by stealth, in such scanty intei'vals of leisure
as could be snatched from the harassing duties of the pastoral and
episcopal oflSce, by one of the most strenuous of parish priests, and
most indefatigable of prelates. A vigorous understanding, full and
liberal eindition, unbiassed judgment, a conscientious sense and love
of truth, untiring and enthusiastic energy in his Master's service, a
pei-vading and well-gi'ounded belief, warm and deep yet sober and
regulated piety, high gifts of intellect held in unreserved subjection
to the authority of revealed truth, — these are qualities in a Christian
teacher for which the most fastidious critic may well condone such
occasional blemishes as those of hasty or desidtory composition,
and a fancy sometimes overstrained or mystic ; or such casual sins
against terseness and elegance of style, as in a purely literary point
d
1
EDITORS PREFACE.
of view may be allowed to detract at times ft'om the power and
charm of Patrick's witings".
In the arrangement of a mass of compositions so miscellaneous in
matter and subject, and extending over so wide a period of time, as
the wi-itings of bishop Patrick, it was obviously impossible to main-
tain throughout any single and uniform principle of classification.
That mode of distribution has in consequence been adopted, which
might best admit of each work severally being read in natural and
consecutive order with those which treat of the same subject or theme,
and yet interfere as little as possible with that continuous sequence
in point of time, which exhibits most faithfully the progress of a
writer's mind, and forms the most systematic accompaniment to his
personal history. The contents of these volumes have been distri-
buted in accordance with this twofold method. They are grouped
together, in the first instance, according to the affinity of their
subject-matter. Under every such general head or category, each
separate work is assigned its place in accordance with the date of
publication ; the second or chronological order being thus subordi-
nated to the natural or analytical division of subjects. It was not
found possible, desirable as it must generally be, so to apportion the
several works constituting the entire edition, as that those under each
homogeneous division should be comprised in one or more distinct
volume or volumes ; except by sacrificing every consideration of uni-
formity in the extent and bulk of the latter. As it is, they fall without
much arbitrary derangement mider the following seven general heads,
under which the individual members of the same series follow each
other in the order of publication ; a rule which it has only been
necessary to infi-inge in one or two instances, for certain specific
reasons connected with the sequence of their subjects
o It would be uncandid not to admit the force of Lord Macaulay's criticism,
severe and indiscriminate as it may well be thought, on this undeniable in-
firmity of Patrick's literary style. — History of England, vol. iii. p. 476.
" Not a few of Patrick's discourses of the first four classes were originally
drawn up in the form of sermons, and still retain much of the didactic style
and personal mode of appeal which are appropriately indicative of ad-
dresses from the pulpit. A new designation, however, having been bestowed
upon them hy the author, and their original homiletic shape considerably modi-
fied prior to the act of publication, it was thought that they might with pro-
priety be transfen'ed from the category of Sennons to the place indicated by
their respective subjects, in the class of substantive Treatises or Discourses.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
li
I. Sacramental and devotional treatises; including i. 'Aqua
Genitalis' or A Discourse on Baptism; 2.-5. ' Mensa Mystica'
and three other works relating to the Lord's Supper ; 6. A Brief
Exposition of the Lord's Prayer and Ten Commandments ; and
7. the comprehensive manual of devotion entitled, The Devout
Christian instructed how to pray and give thanks to God,
&c. These occupy the first and half of the second volume.
II. Treatises relating to the evidences of the Christian
Religion ; viz. i. Jesus and the Resurrection justified, or The
Witnesses to Christianity, in two parts ; and 2. The Glorious
Epiphany, comprised in the remaining half of the second and the
greater part of the thiixl volume. In order to render this volume
approximately uniform in size with the rest, another piece oppor-
tunely suitable iu length is added, which is properly reducible to the
third class of the author's writings, viz.
III. Moral and consolatory discourses, or works relating to
Christian practice ; viz., i. Heart's Ease, with its apjiendices ; 2. Ad-
vice to a Friend; 3. The Parable of the Pilgrim , 6. Treatise
ON Fasting ; 7. Discourse concerning Prayer. This series
exactly completes the firet four volumes.
IV. Polemical writincs, divisible into two classes : the first
devoted to the controversy with Protestant dissent ; the second
directed against the corruptions of Romanism. To the former liead
belong, I. Jewish Hypocrisy, <fec., to which is appended. The
Epitome of Man's duty ; 2. The Friendly Debate, in three
parts, with Appendix and Postscript ; 3. Discourse of profit-
ing by sermons ; 4. Letter to Standish ; and 5. Falsehood
Unmasked, in continuation of the same topic. The fifth and two-
thirds of the sixth volume are occupied with these controversial
writings upon non-conformity. The remainder of the sixth and more
than half of the seventh are devoted to nine separate treatises against
the distinctive errors of Romanism, beginning with the Discourse
about Tradition, and ending with the shoi-t fragment "On Schism,"
now published for the first time from the author's manuscript.
V. Sermons, charges, and minor works connected with the
office of the ministry. The author's writings under this head
comprise twenty-six miscellaneous semnons, published in tlie first
instance separately, and mostly in connection with the death of
d 2
lii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
friends, or some special occasion or solemnity of a public kind ; four
discoui*ses or charges addressed to the clergy of the diocese of Ely,
(extending to the close of the eighth volume ;) seventeen posthumous
sermons, private prayers on certain particular occasions, visitation
articles and episcopal letters, and the form of Consecration of the
chapel of St. Catharine's Hall, Cambridge.
^ VI. P0E.MS UPOX DIVINE AND MORAL SUBJECTS, poSthumOUsly
published.
VII. Autobiography and Appendix.
It has not been thought requisite or desirable to include among
the present series of Patrick's collected wTitings his Commentaries
and Paraphrases upon Holy Scripture. Not only would the ad-
dition of so voluminous a mass of matter have more than doubled
the bulk of the present publication, but the more important portion
of their nimiber being already so easily accessible to the public in
a popular and serviceable form, at no immoderate expense, a new
impression of the whole maj- well be considered uncalled for and
superfluous J".
y The following is a complete list of Patrick's Pamphrases and Commen-
taries, and of the principal editions of each.
The book of Job paraphrased, 8vo. London, 1^79
The book of Psalms paraphrased, with arguments to each chapter,
8to. 1680, 1691.
The Proverbs of Solomon paraphrased, with the arguments of each chapter,
which supply the place of a commentary. 8to. 1683
A Paraphrase upon the books of Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Solomon, with
arguments to each chapter and annotations thereupon. . . 8vo. 1681, 1685
The entire series was reprinted uniformly in two volumes 4to in i ;io, in one
folio volume in 1731, and again in 1743.
Commentary on Grenesis 4to. 1694
Exodus 1697
Leviticus. 1698
Numbers. 1699
Deuteronomy. 1700
Joshua, Judges, and Kuth 1702
First and Second books of Samuel 1 703
First and Second books of Kings. 1 705
Chronicles, Ezra, Xehemiah, and Esther 1706
The whole series of Commentaries was republished in an uniform shape in
two volumes folio in 1727, a fourth time in 1732, a fifth in 1738, &c.
The Commentaries and Paraphra-se-s united, embracing the whole of the His-
torical books and Hagiographa, have in recent times been supplemented by the
addition of the comments of Lowlh on the Prophets, Aniald on the Apo-
eryijha. Whitby on the Xew Testament, and Lowman on the Apocalypse ; con-
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
liii
Two other publications, iu which Patrick had a share of some
importance, have likc'Nvise been exchided, as being only in part, and not
primarily or substantially his compositions. One of these consists
of an edition of the remains of Dr. Walter Raleigh, with an account
of the life of that divine contributed by Patrick, and prefixed to the
volume The other is a History of Peterborough Cathedral, pre-
pared to a great extent by Dr. Simon Gunton, a prebendary of that
church, and left incomplete at his death. The task of finishing it
for publication was undertaken by Patrick on his accession to the
deanery of Peterborough in 1679*. Patrick's exact share in the
authorship of this work, though beyond a doubt preponderating far
over that of his earlier coadjutor, cannot be determined with suffi-
cient precision to justify its pretensions to a place among his au-
thentic and undisputed remains, even had the subject admitted of
its forming part of a series generally theological in character.
With the sole exception of the Avorks omitted for these reasons,
the reader may be assured that he has now before him every genuine
publication of this estimable prelate. No little difficulty indeed
had to be encountered in the task of bringing together the numerous
scattered pieces which make up the collective series. Several of
the number, more especially the earlier editions, have now become
excessively scarce, some in fact of such extreme rai-ity that it
was found requisite to obtain transcripts for the use of the
printer from unique or scarce copies in the libraries of the British
Museum, the Universities, or other public repositories. The labour
of collection at length accomplished, it became the editor's next task
stituting a body of biblical exposition at once the most complete and in all general
respects the most valuable in the language. Numerous issues of these volumes
have been made, e.g. in 1809, 1822, 1842, 1853, &c., which continue in constant
demand, evincing the permanent popularity and usefulness of the series.
In the year 1667 Patrick drew up a short paraphrase upon the ninth chapter
of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, which he only permitted to circulate in
private, not having written it with a view to publication. " It was composed,"
he says, "for the satisfaction of a friend, who feared he was under the sentence
of reprobation. What effect it had upon him I am not able to say, for he was a
silent man, and very melancholy all his days ; but I hope it was beneficial to
others who got copies of it." — Vol. ix. p. 449.
This short and fragmentary work having been recently discovered among
Patrick's other remains in MS. was published as an Appendix to his Autobio-
graphy in 1839. duplicate copy is also extant in the department of manu-
fcripts in the Lambeth LiVjrary {787).
• See vol. ix. p. 470. » Vol. ix. p. 484.
lir
EDlTOirS PKEFACI-:
to arrange and classify the whole. The rule of distribution whicli
he finally resolved on adopting has already been explained. To
decide upon the most perfect and authentic text formed occasionally a
farther source of perplexity; the different editions, in some instances
vei-y numerous, exhibiting not a few discrepancies of reading. As
a general rule, the text of the latest edition published during the
author's lifetime has been followed as the most genuine standard,
corrected, in cases of palpable eiTors of the press, by the aid of
collation with the rest, the various readings being in all but triinal
instances indicated in the notes. It has been the earnest endeavour
of the editor not merely to verify' the author's authorities and quo-
tations, (In itself a task of no mean labour or difficulty,) but to eluci-
date by means of notes, for the assistance of the general reader, such
points of history or criticism as might be in themselves obscure, or
fi-om lapse of time less familiar to the public than they originally
were to contemporaneous readers. In points which admitted a
difference of constniction he has regarded it as his proper task and
duty not so much to advance his o^rn individual opinions, as to
place in the hands of the theological student the materials for form-
ing an mibiassed judgment. His further aim has been to point out,
where it was possible, the origin and source of every anecdote or
allusion with which the wi-iter has illustrated his pages.
The additional matter contributed by the editor is distinguished
uniformly from the words of his author by being included within
brackets.
It has not been considered as falling Avithin the proper limits
of the editorial office to anticipate the judgment of the reader, by
instituting any systematic or detailed criticism of the contents of the
following volumes, on theological or literary gi-ounds. All that re-
mains of the strict design of these prefatory remarks is to present
in the most condensed and succinct form such minor points of
bibliographical or historical interest connected with these several
works, as have been accumulated during the process of preparing
them for the press, together with such additional facts or notices
as have come into the editor's possession, in illustration of the
author's personal biography. Most if not all of this able prelate's
successive compositions afford scope for a more minute and searching
notice than that which is now submitted to the student. What is
here sought is simply to connect them intelligibly with the general
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Iv
history of the time, and with the controversies out of which they
severally arose, or to which they in turn gave rise ; thus supplying
information upon particular matters of fact, which many readers
may wish to possess, but which could only be gleaned by each singly
for himself, at the cost of a very disproportionate outlay of time and
research.
Aqua Genitalis, or A Discourse concerning Baptism.
This little work, the earliest publication bearing the writer's name,
consists of a sermon preached at the baptism of the infant son of a
friend, Mr. Vaughan, termed by Patrick " a minister in Lombard
Street*"," whom, in the absence of more definite information, we may
surmise to have belonged to the presbyterian persuasion. His name
occurs neither in the list of the episcopalian clergy compiled by New-
court from the registry of the diocese, nor yet in that of the noncon-
forming ministers expelled from their livings on St. Bartholomew's
day, 1662. If, as seems most jirobable, he held the benefice of one
of the sequestered clergy under the reign of the Directory and the
Commonwealth, he must have vacated it by death or resignation
prior to the latter date. The discourse was made public at
Vaughan's request, backed by the importunity of Patrick's valued
friend and contemporary at college, Samuel Jacomb. Prefixed to
it is a commendatory letter bearing the initials of the former.
Occasion was taken by Patrick of this publication to append some
supplementary remarks upon the nature and importance of the rite
of Confirmation, which, during the suppression of the church's func-
tions, had been suffered to lapse into almost total desuetude. So
serious a blank in the means of training up the young in habits of
religion had some time befoi-e induced Baxter and others of the
more moderate presbyterians to advocate a revival of the same or
an equivalent rite, as a ratification of the baptismal covenant ; to
whose good offices in that direction Patrick alludes in terms of
special praise.
The preface to the first edition of Aqua Genitalis is dated Nov. 6.
1 658. It was published in a small 1 2mo volume before the end of that
year, though the titlepage bears date 1659. A second impression
followed in 8vo. in 1667, and a third in 1670, accompanied by a
Vol. ix. p. 430.
]vi
EDITOR S PREFACE.
reprint of tlie author's Meiisa Mystica, though separately paged.
A fouith was issued independently in 1684, the text of which has
been taken as the basis of the present reprint ; a fifth in 1702.
Without pretending to the character of a formal treatise upon so
wide and A-ital a subject, the chief aspects of Christian baptism are re-
v-iewed in tliis brief discourse in a sufficiently systematic, albeit chiefly
practical manner. The nature of the sacrament, the persons who are
designed to participate in it, and the conditions requisite for its due
reception, form the three successive heads of address. The wi-iter's
statements upon these weighty points of doctinne are characterized
throughout by singular clearness and simplicity ; together -vntY^ un-
swerving fidelity to scriptural truth, and an elevation of tone which,
considering the low \"iews of sacramental grace then extensively
prevalent, cannot fail to attract the notice and adnm-ation of church-
men. The custom of infant baptism had for a whole generation
been so widely and habitually infi-inged, owing to the prevalence of
Baptist or Anabaptist tenets, that the arguments for its restoration
needed to be stated with peculiar force. A wider view, moreover,
in treating of the baptismal theme, became for the same reasons com-
pulsory, than that which would restrict itself to the effects produced by
the sacred rite upon recipients in the passive and imconscious state of
childhood. In the case of adults, unchanged as are the conditions on
the side of God, in the operations of the Holy Spirit, a vast interval
has to be allowed for in the state aiid capabilities of man. The meet-
ness of the infant, free fi-om actual sin, for the kingdom of God, rests
upon considerations which are necessiirily excluded fi-om the case
even of the worthiest of those who, from remorseful experience of
the need of cleansing and renewal, seek an enti'ance into the chm-ch
through the laver of regeneration. A definition of man's preparatoiy
state and God's prevenieut agency is then called for, wliich may em-
brace the twofold problem, not only of original but of committed sin.
The theory of absolute regeneration in baptism ex opere operato has
genei'ally been argued M'ith a single reference to the instance of infant
reception. The greater mystery and difficulty which suiTounds the
question, when the elements of consciousness and volition, invoUnng
]>ersonal faith and conduct, are introduced, cannot be so readily dis-
posed of as many more recent writers upon this abstruse doctrine seem
hastily to liave assumed. On the whole, turning fi"om extreme and
unqualified statements on cither side, tliere is much wisdom in the
EDITOirs PEE FACE.
Ivii
reverent and gnarded Inugnage in wliicli so excellent u divine ex-
presses himself upon this intricate and controverted tojjic. Without
presuming to define dogmatically the exact limits of the divine and
human agencies, in their mutual cooperation upon the soul, the
aspect in which he regards this sacrament is essentially the practical
and scriptural one of a Covenant ; the blessings divinely guai'anteed
being suspended upon the concurrent action of the recipient, but
unfiiilingly bestowed in exact concomitance with the fidfilment by
man of the stipulated conditions of Christ's Gospel.
" Upon due consideration," he declares, " I believe we shall find
that to be baptized expresseth something on our part, and some-
thing on God's, both which, put together, make it a federal rite,
whereby we and God enter into a covenant and agi-eement together,
and mutually engage to the performance of several things, which are
all to our behoof or benefit."
In opposition to the low and unscriptural views then unhajjpily
prevalent, which would reduce it to a bare and hollow form, or
a symbol merely subjectively efficacious, he protests that " it is not
a naked ceremony, that neither doth good nor harm, as some men
seem to speak, against the constant sense of the church and people
of God ;" and does not hesitate to rank it among the chief blessings
and privileges secured to every faithful pai-ticipator in the sacra-
mental ordinance, that " hereby we are regenerated and born again.
It is the sacrament of the new birth, by which we are put into
a new state, and change all our relations, so that whereas before we
were only the children of Adam, we are now taken to be the chil-
dren of God ; such of whom he will have a fatherly care, and be
indulgent and merciful unto. We have a relation like\vise to Christ
our Head, and to the Holy Ghost, as the giver of life and grace.
Yea, herein he gi-ants remission of sins, and we are sanctified and
set apai't to his uses*^."
Both treatise and preface are marked throughout by dei)th of
piety and elegance of thought ; as well as by much of that subtle
and somewhat mystical vein of fancy which has been already traced
lo the writer's early indoctrination with Platonic and talmudic
lore
Vol. i. p. 1 4.
Attention may deservedly be directed to the characteristic and expressive
device or motto selected by Patrick for the titlepage of his treatise on Christ-
ian baptism — Ni'ifor ai'iifojjua ^ut) finvay o\f/ii'. The origin of this most exquisite
Iviii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
specimen of the kind of verse known as palindromic or retrograde, its construc-
tion being such as to admit of its being read inversely, from right to left, as well
as from left to right, has never been satisfactorily elucidated. Frequently
as it has been quoted by English writers, (as by Jeremy Taylor in his Life of
Christ, part I. sect. ix. disc. 6. Works, vol. iv. p. ■235,) and habitually as it has
for centuries served as an appropriate inscription upon fonts, holy water vessels,
and ecclesiastical lavatories, no distinct clue to its authorship has been yet
obtained. On the authority of a passage in Grelot's "Relation noavelle d'un
voyage* de Constantinople," a work admirable for its minuteness of research
and fidelity of description, and embellished with carefully executed topogra-
phical engravings, the inference has been lately drawn, that the line could be
traced to an inscription in the Moslemized church of St. Sophia, originally
erected by Justinian, A. D. 537, but since the capture of Constantinople in
1454, converted to the purposes of a mosque. (See Notes and Queries, vii. 41 7^
and the editor's note on Jeremy Taylor, I. c. in the later impressions.) This in-
ference is not however borne out by the text of Grelot's narrative.
Describing two urns of marble, placed by the Turks one on each side of the
entrance from the nave into the dome, for the purpose of performing the pre-
liminary ablutions prescribed by the Mohamedan ritual, or refreshing them-
selves during the ferv our of devotion, Grelot illustrates their use by a com-
parison with the benitiers, or holy water vessels, familiar to the worshippers in
churches of the Greek and Latin communions. L'Histoire observe qiCil y avail
quflque grand vase phin d'eau, ou les fi deles se lavoient ordinairement le visage,
ou tout ail moins les yeiuc, pour leur montrer qiCih devoient estre ea-tremement
purifies pour se presenter devant la majeste d'un Dieu que les anges n'osent envi-
sager. Ces vases estoient comme les eau-benistiers des eglises catholiques : et Von
remarque mesme quil y avoit ecrit au-dessus en lettres d'or ce beau vers Grec re-
trograde, Ni'vfioc a.v6iirifiaTa /ui) fiSvav uif/iv. — p. 196. l2mo.. Par. 1681 ; p. 161. 4to.,
Par. 1689 ; p. 133. of the English translation by J. Philips, 1683.
It is clear that Grelot is here no longer speaking in particular of the Turkish
urns in St. Sophia's, but of the general usage of lustral vessels similar in form
in Christian churches : nor does he at all imply that the verse in question was
inscribed upon or over either of the two seen by him. He is adverting histori-
cally to the custom derived from the earliest times, -which prescribed the dedi-
cation of a similar vessel, quelqae grand rase, for purposes of bodily purification.
The truth in all probability is, that Grelot, an accomplished scholar and
antiquarian, no less than an observant and enterprising traveller, was led to
incorporate this closing illustration by the note of Ducange upon the metrical
description of St. Sophia's, written by Paul the Silentiary or private secretary of
Justinian, and recited by him at the emperor's second dedication of that edifice
in 562. On Paul's account of the Xnvrrip or <piaKri attached to Justinian's
church Ducange adjoins the comment — In simili labro scriptum olim versum
hunc retrogradum, qui habetur in Antliologiu, aj/ud Grutcrum et alios, aiunt.
(Ducange, annot. in Paul. Silent, p. 539. ad calc. Cinnami de Comneni rebus
gestis, &c., fol. Par. 1670. et inter Hist. Byzant. Script, p. 80., ed. Niebuhr.
8vo. Bonn, 1837. In Niebuhr's edition Grelot's remarks and illustration.s are
appended, as cited in the commentary of Bandurius, p. 179.)
It does not appear to which of the numerous Anthologies, or to what work
of Gruter, this inexcusably loose reference is intended to apply. The writer
of the present note has failed in tracking it to either source. Enough remains
to prove that the origin of this beautiful sentiment is to be sought for in some
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Kx
Mensa Mystica, or a Discourse concerning the Sacrament
OF THE Lord's Supper, &c.
This treatise, a valuable companiou to its predecessor upon the
other sacrament, follows it without interruption in point of date.
Its dedication to the writer's kind and valued patrons, Sir Walter
and Lady St. John, is dated from the baronet's house at Battersea,
J an. 27,16 ^cT'
Patrick had been presented by Sir Walter to the
vicarage of Battersea about two years before, and continued to be
domesticated in his household as chaplain to the family.
The subject was undertaken at the suggestion and by the desire of
Dr. Worthingtou, master of Jesus College, Cambridge, who had ex-
other quarter than the walls of the Byzantine basilica ; where, it may
be added, no trace of such an inscription has been discovered by recent visi-
tors of the mosque. Every portion of that edifice has recently been accessible
during the occupancy of the city by the British expedition, nor has any altera-
tion of importance been effected since the period of its hazardous inspection by
Grelot. Neither is tlie hue to be recognised in Salzenburg's elaborate and mag-
nificent studies of its architectural features, published in folio at Berlin, 1855.
The urns seen by Grelot formed, in all probability, no part of the accessaries
to the serv-ice of the sanctuary, prior to its occupancy by the votaries of Maho-
met. Tlie \ovTrjp or (pioArj consecrated by Justinian consisted of a single basin
of jasper, of large dimensions, placed in the centre of the outer court or area
before the church, (av\'f).)
MrjfteSoc^s 5' eplri/xov (S ufKpaKov Xararat avKris
TLvpvT&TT) <ptd,\ri Tii lOffTTiSos (KTofius dwp^j"
"Ep^a p6os KfAaSav di^airdWeTai r/f'pi Trffinfiv
Paul. Silent, part. ii. 178. p. 29. ed. Niebtihr.
The anonymous writer of another description of the church adds, 'EirofTjire 8e
th r))v <pii\T]v yvpddfv irTockj tppiariKas. (De Antiq. Const. Anon, inter Hist.
Byzant. p. 67.) 'Ev ^^ irpiuTri eirrSSw rov Aourijpos fitoi-qaf irv\c!>i/as 4\(KTpavs.
— Incert. de templo S. Sophiae, il)id.
The term <t>i(i\r] was also taken to include the whole building which
contained the lavatory vessels, and was called indifferently vivT^p, <pp(dp,
KoAvfifiuoy, (fi^drriv, KdvBapos, Kp-fivri. — See further Const. Porph. in Vit.
Basil, cap 84. p. 201. fol. Par [685 ; Gyllius. Topogr. Const, p 295 ; Bingham,
book viii. chap. 3. sect. 6; and Neale's Eastern Church, i. p. 215.
Numerous instances in which this elegant sentence has been inscribed in
more recent times on fonts, holy water basins, &c. may be seen on reference
to Notes and Queries, vii. 360, 417.
The same misapprehension of Grelot's statement has been made in " Voyages
liturgiques de France," by le Sieur Moleon, (p. 19. Svo, Par. 17 18. quoted in
N. and Q, viii. 352.) who mentions that the verse is to be seen in the church
of St. M^min at Micy on the Loire, near Orleans, and also in that of St.
Etienne d'Egres, Paris.
Ix
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
pressed to Patrick his high commendation of the Discourse on Bap-
tism. It is both longer and more systematic than its sistev treatise,
entering fully and deeply into every aspect of its sacred subject,
both dogmatic and practical ; and supplying under every head those
devotional aids wliich a careful pastor would wish to see in familiar
use among the members of his flock, but which were scantily pro-
vided in the religious manuals of the time. Its reception Avas such
that a second edition was issued in 1667, in company with a reprint
of Aqua GenitaUs, followed by others in rapid succession. The fifth
of these appeared in 1684, the sixth and last during the author's
lifetime in 1702, the seventh in 17 17, and the demand has never
been discontinued down to the present time.
The Christian Sacrifice, a treatise shewing the necessity,
END, AND MANNER OF RECEIVING THE HoLY COMMUNION, itc.
. The first or introductoiy part of this treatise is to be regarded to
a great extent as supplementary to that wliich precedes it, fifom the
practical portion of which it is in fact mainly derived and amplified.
The latter or gi'cater proportion of its contents is occupied with
purely devotional topics, consisting of " suitable prayers and medita-
tions for every mouth in the year, and the principal festivals in
memory of our blessed Saviour." To this work is to be traced the
beginning of that reputation which followed Patrick through life, as
a master of the spirit and language of prayer, and a feeling expo-
nent of the religious wants and aspirations of the soul. The favour-
able reception which it immediately commanded, and the powerful
hold it continued to retain upon the minds of the religious portiou
of the community, are evidenced by the numerous editions of the
'work which have been called for. The first appeared in the year
1670, the third in 1675, and the fifth as early as 1679. To enume-
rate them all would be superfluous ; but it may be mentioned that
the fifteenth was published in the year 1720, and that it still con-
tinues in very general demand.
A Book for Beginners, or an help to young Communicants.
This little manual, abridged and condensed fi-om the Christian
.Sacrifice, for the use of young persons and the less educated classes
EDITOK'S PREFACE.
Ixi
generally, appears to have commaiuled no less extensive or perma-
nent a popularity. From the date of its publication, 1679, to that
of the author's death it had already run through sixteen editions.
Its sphere of usefulness has since been indefinitely extended, owing
to its having been adopted, in common with most of Patrick's moral
writings, on the list of the Society for Promoting Cln-istian Know-
ledge. Clear, simple, and devotional, it were difficult to suggest a
more desirable guide to the altar than this little tract, or one more
judiciously fitted to its special class of communicants.
A Treatise on the Necessity and Frequency of receiving
THE Holy Communion.
In accordance with the reiterated injunctions of archbishop San-
croft^, Patrick exerted himself with great earnestness, about Whit-
suntide, 1684, for the revival of weekly communions in the cathedral
church of Peterborough, of which he had five years before been ap-
pointed dean. With the view of pressing upon the inhabitants of
that city in general a more punctual and devout attendance upon
that holy sacrament, as it was authoritatively rendered incumbent
upon all the clergy by the rubric of the church, which provides for
its celebration " in all cathedral and collegiate churches and
colleges, where there are many priests and deacons, on every
Sunday at least," he began on Whitsunday a course of three ser-
mons upon the necessity and the advantages of regularly discharging
that sacred duty. These discourses were at the close of the course
formed into a small i2mo volume, and published under the present
title. A second edition appeared in 1 685, a third in 1688, and a fourth
in 1696, in the last of which the author inserted a special and appro-
priate prayer at the conclusion of each of the three discourses. The
existence of the lastnamed impression, which is now extremely rare,
only came to the editor's knowledge (to his gi-eat regret) after the
^ This letter, which in a note on Patrick's reference, (vol. ii. p. 54,) the editor
expre-s-sed his inability at the time to identify, was possibly a reissue of the
pastoral circular addressed by arclibishop Sancroft to the chapters of the several
cathedral churches within his province, date<l from Lambeth palace, June 4, 1670,
and printed by Dr. Cardwell in his Documentary Annals of the Church of
England, vol. ii. p. 280, from the original among the Tanner papei-s in the
Bodleian Library.
Ixii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
volume containing the Discourse had passed tiie press, too late in
consequence to permit the insertion of those prayers in their proper
places. A place might have been found for them in the appendix,
which was at the time in the printer's hands, but that in the
single copy which by the kindness of a friend was placed in his
hands the last prayer was unfortunately mutilated to an extent
which defied conjectural restoration. It was not deemed advisable
to insert the additional matter in a merely fragmentary form. No
other copy has as yet been met with.
The treatise, wanting the prayere in question, was reprinted at
Oxford in small 8vo in the year 1841, (as part of a series of manuals
on practical and devotional subjects issued by Messrs. Parker,) under
the editorship of the Rev. William Bentinck Hawkins, M. A., who in
his introductory notice assigns it no more than its merited commen-
dation, when he says that it " not only enters into the general nature
and design of ' the most comfortable sacrament of the body and
blood of Christ,' but discusses in the most complete and con\nncing
manner a portion of the subject which has not always been treated
at suffic'ent length; the objections, namely, by which various persons
are deterred from partaking of this most sacred ordinance and in-
stitution, whether arising from conscientious scruples, or, as it is to
be feared is the more fi'equent case, from motives of a less innocent
character. The venerable bishop has investigated the real nature
of every one of these, and has torn off the specious disguise which
they sometimes assume ; he has detected and laid bare those weak-
nesses of our nature in which they originate, and has proved that
they proceed fi-om negligence, indifference, or a want of due consi-
deration for the vital interests of religion, rather than from any
other cause."
A Brief Exposition of the Tex Commandments and the
Lord's Prayer.
The class of wa-itings specially devoted to the subject of sacra-
mental preparation and worship has, with a view to gi-eater distinct-
ness, been kept apart, under the present arrangement, from those
which treat of the topic of Devotion in its more general and ordi-
nary form. The earliest of this series of devotional compositions is
the short manual published in the form of a catechism or dialogue
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixlii
upon the Decalogue and Lord's Prayer, chiefly designed for the use
of the parishioners of St. Paul's, Covent Garden. The preface to
the first edition bears date Sept. 13, 1665, and is marked through-
out by that tone of impressiveness and solemnity which the ravages
of the great pestilence, then at its most appalling height, could not
fail to create in so conscientious and sensitive a mind.
This compendious little work, which offers in its carefully selected
choice of scripture texts, a useful variety of heads for catechetical
instruction, has also passed through very numerous impressions, e. g.
in 1668, 1672, and 1688.
The Devout Christian instructed how to pray and give
THANKS to God, &c.
Patrick has himself narrated the circumstances which led to the
composition of this his most complete and systematic collection of
prayers. At a meeting of sixteen of the principal clergy of London,
towards the close of the year 1670, it was resolved that each should
undertake the composition of a small popular treatise upon one or
other of the principal subjects relating to Christian pi-actice. To
Patrick was delegated the task of preparing a comprehensive
manual of devotion applicable to all the ordinary occasions of life.
This labour occupied him from time to time, amid various interrup-
tions, during a year and a half The titlepage of the first edition,
in i2mo, bears date 1673, though the iinpriiiuitur of Sancroft's
chaplain Parker is dated Oct. 21, 1672.
Breathing throughout the spirit, and to a great extent the very
language of Holy Scripture, this admirable collection of prayers be-
came at once extensively popular, and has ever since maintained its
place amidst the rivalry of countless later aids to devotion. Com-
prising forms for daily use, both morning and evening, — for Sundays
and festivals, in church and in pi-ivate, — for persons of every class
and under all the general conditions of life, — supplying for all the
most pressing occasions the means of that sacred exercise which to
a Christian is not less a privilege than a duty, — it may still be re-
commended in its author's words, as " A Book of Devotions for
families and for particular persons in most of the concerns of human
life."
The numerous editions through which it has passed testify to the
Ixiv
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
value set upon this compilation, and the extent to which it has beeii
appreciated The fifth appeared before the end of nine yeai"S, the
seventh in 1686, the ninth in 1694, and upwards of nineteen by the
year 1782.
Jesus and the Resurrection justified by witnesses in
Heaven and earth ; in two parts.
When first published, in the summer of the year 1676, this
treatise was entitled The Witnesses to Christianity : or the
Certainty of our Faith and Hope, in a Discourse upon
I John v. 7, 8. A second edition being called for late in the
author's life (1703), the original title was altered by him to that
which it now bears. The present impression has been printed from
the text of the latter edition ; coiTected, where necessary, by refer-
ence to the authority of the first. Few discrepancies of any moment
occur between the two.
To this and the following work, the " Glorious Epiphany," a dis-
tinctive place has been allotted, as forming in themselves a special
class apart fi'om the rest of Patrick's A\Titings.
They are most fitly to be designated in common as Treatises on
the Evidences of Christianity?. It will immediately be perceived that
they exhibit in scope and style but little similarity with treatises
of the more strictly argumentative class put forth by Clarke, Butler,
or Paley in the following century. That conception of the Christian
evidences which was demanded by, and accommodated to the wants
of a generation more advanced in coldness and incredulity, was neither
f The Devout Christian, in common with many others of Patrick's theologi-
cal and devotional writings, is included b}' Dr. Bray in his excellent classifica-
tion, entitled " Bibliotheca Parochialis, or heads for the foraiation of a library
for the use of a parish or congregation," published in 1701.
Another interesting testimony to the value set upon this devotional manual
is to be found in Lady Eachel Russell's recentlj' discovered letter to her chil-
dren, dated July 21, i6gi. The extract is given rerbathii.
"Doctor Patrick's book of prayers (caled ye devout Christian) furnished me
now — his large form of devotion, page 477, has both thanksgiving and confes-
sion in it."
" Get also ejaculations by heart for divers times in the day, see patrick,
pa: 274." " On Sunday see patrick 198 before church, in talor (Jeremy Taylor)
302.". . ." I pray such prayers as I chuse out of talor or patrick, or any other
I like or have by me." — Lady Russell's Letters, ii. 74. 82.
K They are classified under this head in Dr. Bray's Bibliotheca, p. ji-
EDITOR'S PRP:FACE.
Ixv
necessitated, nor had yet iu fact been formed, while belief was in
the main more simple, and the acceptance of elementary religious
truths less scrupulously or jealously questioned. In the appeals or
grounds of suasion set forth in these pages there may not be much
that would command the conviction, or abash the arrogance, of the
polished sceptics of the subsequent age : based as they are upon
assumptions which to Hume, Bolingbroke, or Toland, would appear
illogical, gratuitous, or puerile ; and referrible only to a class of feel-
ings and ideas which they would insist above all on eliminating from
the controversy, as tending to impart an unfair bias to the judg-
ment, and to interfere with the severely calm and unimpassioned de-
cisions of the critical faculty.
To take a stand, as the advocate of Christian truth, upon the ground
of the intuitive or universal sentiment of religion, through which
the voice of revelation finds its own silent sympathetic witness iu
the human heart, had not, up to the close of the seventeenth century,
come to be regarded as so untenable or contemptible a position
as it became in the following age, and was even to a very late
period very generally felt to be. In that interval the encounter
had more and more to be carried on with intellects hardened to the
narrowest processes of reason by an uniformly materialistic tenor of
study and pursuit, and exacting the most rigid tests of palpable de-
monstration ; minds fostered in habits of indifference to religion,
and deadened by contact with the least spiritualizing influences of
society, then in its most sensual and selfish phase. Somewhat of a
corresponding temper is in such a case unavoidably imparted to the
weapons of argument employed in the defence. When logical tena-
city and forensic acumen are held of the first importance, not a little
may have to be retrenched from tenderness of suasion, and urgency
of appeal. Reduced to seek for the ultimate seat of truth within
the limits of the critical understanding, and to test every step by
the technical rules of reason, — debarred, while dealing with the most
mysterious of subjects, from assuming any point without anterior
proof of its own, — the mind is inevitably, if not perceptibly, cramped
in exercising its powers, and iu doing justice to the moral gi-andeur
and sublimity of its cause. Permitted to seek the source of spiritual
life only by anatomizing the frame of consciousness and conviction
after the pulse has ceased to beat, or the motive powers have
become rigidly mechanical, it fails to detect the perfect laws by
e
Ixvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Avhich the spirit lives aud moves; and becomes apt to miss the finer
threads or nerves which unite the processes of the understanding
with the centre of Bpiritual force in man, and draw together reason
and faith into a living and organic whole. The eye, from dwelling
upon the more harsh and violent contrasts which meet it in the
rough world without, is gradually blinded to the delicate refinements
and infinite shades of meaning which diversify the inner region of
the spirit ; and which, through the medium of a diviner faith, are
seen mutually to relieve and blend into each other in subtle harmo-
nies of colour, like so many elementary hues into which the pure
ray of heavenly light is refi'acted by the prism of thought.
The evidences of Christianity, including the preliminary proofs of
simple theism, or natural religion, are thus capable of being treated
in two different methods, or constructed from two distinct and in
part independent bases. During the last centui-y the most syste-
matic attempts were made to bring the question at issue with the
sceptic to the test of pure reason, and experimental observation, and
to solve and reconcile the mysteries of religion by the analogies of
the outward world. How far this attempt to explain and measure
the life of the spirit by the rule of the intellect alone has been
attended with success, it is not at present necessaiy to inquire.
The treatise before us forms an example of the earlier and less re-
stricted mode of treatment, a mode characteristic of a mind less
severe perhaps in its canons of logic, but at the same time not so
material or eristic in its standards of ratiocination. The conception
under which such a mind yv\\\ most love to view the evidences of
Christian faith, will be not so much that of a compact and syste-
matic frame of proof which may be thi'ust at any time bodily upon
the understanding, as that of a principle which has a witness in itself,
in every secret centre of the heart ; one which is really latent under
and inspires every truthful sentiment, and is inly interwoven with
every pure and sacred affection ; beginning to work in every man
as early and often more powerfully than his conscience, and deeply
underlying, as the ultimate and infinite object of thought, even his
intellectual perception of the finite.
It is through this spiritual sense, the 'divine reason' of the Pla-
tonists, this sympathetic and filial affinity of the soul for the things
of God, far more than by the severely technical demonstrations of
natural logic, that the realities of religion are brought home to the
A
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixvii
spirit of man. And to awaken, elicit, stimulate and inform this
sense of the infinite, this primary, and instinctive and direct intui-
tion of God, has been the aim of those who have at any time most
deeply felt, and most successfiilly penetrated the laws and exigencies
of the soul. It was in the nature of the Platonic spirit, however
much modified by the accessaries of modern thought, to point the
mind of the inquirer towards this resting place in the ideal and the
absolute, and to throw its tinge of enthusiasm over the work of faith.
With a loving trust in its power to attract both the intellect and
the heart, its earnest advocates ventured to make the Gospel of
Christ appeal straightway to its own independent witness in the
soul, and his Spirit utter to the ear of conscience its own most
authentic credentials.
The influence of his peculiar mental training has not failed to
make itself felt, as well in the author's conception of the work before
him, as in the method which he has pursued in treating it. In
seeking the " Witnesses to Christianity," or the proofs of the divine
authority of Christ, he has not felt it necessary to descend to those
special grounds of religious truth, in natural reason or the constitu-
tion of things, which might have been required in a demonstrator of
religion in the next age. He is able to take for granted the primary
convictions of theism in the soul, and the authority of revelation as
the direct utterance of God.
From these simple but safe assumptions, without much reference
to the ontological proofs of a later day, in the fitness of things or
the unity of objective being, he proceeds to draw out in form the
testimony of the Gospel scheme to the divinity of its supreme Head ;
concuiTcntly with those responses of the heart by which man's OAvn
nature joins witness at eveiy step to the power of Christ's doctrines,
and to their efficacy in satisfying the wants of the recipient. The
manifestation of Christ in his written word is thus made to elicit
and to realize the secret manifestation which he retains in the soul
once made in his image. A finite witness is found in the conscious-
ness of man to that borne evermore with our spirit by the Spirit of
the Infinite and the Eternal.
Exception may perhaps be taken to the entire coui-se of argument
by which Patrick has here drawn out the Scriptural proofs of the
divinity of Christ, on the ground that his whole structure rests
upon and is expanded out of one particular text in St. John's first
e 2
Ixviii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Epistle, the genuineness of which -will scarcely now be upheld by
any theologian of repute. It is true that the more critical labours
of later scholars, and a wider and more exact collation of manuscripts,
have caused the verse, i John v. 7, if not to be wholly abandoned, as a
late and unauthorized interpolation, yet to be at all events withdrawn
fi-om its prominent position as the most explicit enunciation in Holy
Writ of the doctrine of the Divine Trinity. Yet the withdrawal of
that or any other individual text can in no material degree be held
to detract from the validity of an argument, which really rests upon
the consilient testimony of a cloud of inspired witnesses. It is by
no isolated passage that the great central verity of the Gospel can be
vitally affected ; identified as it is with the whole substance and pm-port
of the Chi-istian message, and bound up with the most essential work-
ings of the Christian consciousness. So eminent a critic as Patrick
himself could not but be perfectly aware of the doubts which himg
over this clause, although the tests at that time available were not
sufficient to cany to his mind the full conviction of its spurious-
uessli. Its dogmatic preciseness of form (however in itself calculated
to throw doubt upon its pristine origin and date,) may have had
weight in determining his choice of it as the groundwork of his
general scheme. He is thence led to proceed systematically with his
accumulation of Scriptural testimonies, beginning with those of the
" Heavenly Witnesses," the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost.
These passages, with the historical and argumentative considerations
based upon them, occupy the first di%asion, or first four chapters, of
the original treatise. The second portion, or three next chapters,
are devoted to a similar elucidation of the " Witnesses upon earth," the
Spirit, the Water and the Blood ; the first of the three being con-
sidered last in order, as affording to his argument a more emphatic
climax. In addition to these, he adduces in the three concluding
chapters supplementary proofs of the power of Christ, in the miracu-
lous history of his apostles, the lives of the early saints and martjTS
of the church, and the history of the faith itself in its progress
through the world.
By the natural bias of a mind like his, Patrick must have felt himself
urged not so much in the direction of technical or dogmatic studies
in theology, as towards its bearing upon the realities of the spiritual
life; and have been less at home while demonstrating Christian doctrine
h See vol. ii. p. 344.
EDITOR'S PKEFACE.
Ixix
in the abstract, than in applying it to the enforcement of practical
holiness. Shortly after completing the first or theoretic portion of
his theme, he formed the design of continuing the same subject in
a second or supplementary discourse, in which he has reviewed the
great work of Christ, his Incarnation, Atonement, Sacrifice, and
Resurrection, in its effects upon the salvation of man. Invoking the
testimony of the same Witnesses, by whom he had in the first in-
stance established the nature and dignity of Jesus Christ as the Son
of God, he finds in their concurrent voices a proof of the blessed
result of the Saviour's mission, the gift of Eternal Life ; the life
of the divine Head imparted to his human members.
The text or thesis upon which this second portion of his argu-
ment is constructed is another verse of the same chapter, i John
V. II. "Looking a little further into the holy writer who hath
preserved the unquestionable records concerning these matters, I
find there is as great a certainty of this Eternal Life hy Jesus Christ
as there is of his being the Son of God ; and that the very same
witnesses wlio so fully declare the one, give no less strong evidence
for the proof of the other. For this, says he, is tJie record (or
witness), that God loath given to us eternal life : and this life is in
his Son. Which words, being ar continuation of the foregoing dis-
course, carry their sense in them : — There is great reason you should
receive the witness of God, (viz. of the Father, Word, and Holy
Ghost, and of the Water, Blood, and Spirit,) not only because it is
greater than the witness of men, which you cannot justly reject and
because, if you do reject it, you make God a liar, (which who can
have the heart to do V) but also because the thing which is testified
to us by these witnesses, when they say that Jesus is the Son oj
God, is of all other the most desirable, viz. that God designs for us
no less blessing than Eternal Life, which the Lord Jesus hath in
his hands to keep for us, and to bestow upon us''."
After discussing in the first five chapters (i) the nature, (2) the
eternity, (3) the certainty, and (4) the excellence of this promised life,
he proceeds, exactly repeating the method and plan of the former
part, to treat of the testimony of the three Witnesses in heaven, the
Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost, and of the three on earth,
the Water, the Blood, and the Spirit ; joining to it as before that of
the apostles and the church. The two final chapters are devoted to
' I John V. 9. k Preface to the Second part, vol. iii. p. 23.
Ixx
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
a practical and devotional " improvement of the record," as a stimu-
lant to Christian faith and hope, and an incentive to Christian
obedience.
Argument, in the strictest sense of the word, not being the aim
or scope of these discoui'ses, it were useless to inquire deeply into
their value as supplying the means of conviction to a doubtful or
indifferent mind. Presupposing as they do an acceptance by the
intellect and heart of at least the primary principles of religion,
and a susceptibility to the special appeals of the Spirit of God
in revelation, it is their object to set before the religious mind the
higher consequences to which those first steps in divine knowledge
should rightly lead. Pointing to the trae nature and \ital idea
of Christianity, as a manifestation of the personal life of Christ, they
aim at setting forth the great articles of the faith, not as sterile
dogmas or metaphysical speculations, but as replete with living power,
and intimately affecting both the present experience and ultimate
prospects of the Christian. In the Incarnation of the Son of God
is found to lie his pri\'ilege of sonship and adoption. In the Eesm*-
rection of his Saviour he is taught to cherish no less confidently the
expectation of Eternal Life.
If there is little in such a demonstration to humble the infidel,
there is that which may aid the believer in ascending the heights of
contemplation, and surveying the majestic proportions of his faith ;
much that may supply a thoughtful mind with topics for edifying
reflection, and with materials for giving form to its devout impres-
sions in the language of appropriate pi'ayer and praise. Every page
reflects the deep, spontaneous, and loving belief of the writer ; and
not a few passages, especially in the devotional portions, are inspired
by genuine pathos, tenderness, and beauty.
The second part of this treatise was first conceived in September,
1675, but not fairly taken in hand till the followng January. It
was published in September 1676, and reprinted together with the
first, under the new title, in 1703.
The Glorious Epiphany, with the devout Christian's
love to it.
The primary conception of the author in composing this treatise
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixxi
was to carry on and supplement the design begun in the two suc-
cessive parts of that which precedes it. From the grounds and
evidences of the Christian's faith in a present Saviour, and the work
of salvation accomplished by his mediation on earth, and his ascen-
sion into the heavens, the transition is easy and natural to the
consideration of those scriptural and moral proofs which relate to
the final and crowning agency of Christ in his office of Judge of
all mankind. Patrick himself, in a few opening sentences, supplies
the link of thought which establishes the logical connection between
the two ; the one devoted to contemplating the First, the other the
Second Advent of the One Head of the Christian Church.
" He hath not only assured us that he hath all power in heaven
and in earth, and that he will bestow the inestimable gift of immor-
tality upon us ; but that he himself will once more come fi'om
heaven to crown us with it. We know, as I have shown in two
former treatises, that the Son of God is come, and hath given us an
understanding to know him that is true, and we are in him that is
trioe : and this is the true God and eternal life, which he hath
revealed to us. But besides this first coming to teach us the will of
God, to die for our sins, and to open to us the kingdom of heaven,
after he had shown us the way to it, he hath bid us believe there is
a second, when he will come to judge us by those laws which he
hath left his church, and to put the observers of them into the pos-
session of that heavenly kingdom which he hath promised. And
there are none of the Witnesses who testify that he is King of Glory,
but assure us of this also, that he will appear in that glory to take
us up unto himself 1."
The Glorious Epiphany issued from the press, in 8vo. form, Avith
an engraved frontispiece, in the spring of the year 1678. A second
impression appeared in 1686. Neither this nor the preceding
treatise, relating as they do to the more abstract and mysterious
phases of revealed religion, seem to have attained the same wide
and lasting popularity as those works in which he deals exclusively
with, the practical aspects of the Christian life. The call for them
has never as yet extended to more than two impressions of each.
' Vol. iii. p. 358.
Ixxii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
The Heart's Ease, or a Remedy against Troubles.
The earliest and best known of the didactic class of Patrick's
writings, relating to moral and consolatory topics, The Heart's
Ease, was composed in the year 1659, chiefly for the benefit of his
patron's wife. Lady Johanna St. John, a lady of amiable and virtuous
disposition, but either by constitutional sensibility, or the peculiar
bias of her Christian sentiments, inclined to religious melancholy.
With such a tendency Patrick's own nature was eminently fitted
to sympathize, as well by a natural bent of mind in favour of
pietistic abstraction, as by his favourite study of models of romantic
piety and mystic speculation. The griefs and perplexities of such
minds often partake to a great extent of an imaginary character, the
product of an overwrought and desponding temperament. Brooding
in solitude and silence over its own disease, the spirit is prone to
aggravate symptoms which a more sanguine temper, a healthier
constitution of belief, or a call to more active exertion in the offices
of religion, or those of charitable and social duty, would surely and
promptly chase away. Nothing can be more gentle or considerate
than the mode in which her spiritual adviser addresses himself to the
task of soothing this lady's causeless anxieties, and quieting her self-
engendered scruples. If it be thought in some sense to fall short of
the highest elevation of Christian sentiment, relying more strongly
upon the innate capacities of the soul for the cure of its own dis-
orders, than upon the supreme power of divine grace in overruling
the weaknesses and supplying the deficiencies of nature ; it must be
kept in view, that to probe and rectify the perturbed and morbid
condition of his patient's mind was naturally the first object of soli-
citude to the pastoral physician. His second was to make the ex-
cited mind itself the instrument of its own cure, leading it through
a sense of human insufficiency to use the means of grace divinely
provided in the gospel. In the simplicity and tnithfulness of its
appeal to the instinctive feelings and affections of every heart, lies
in fact the secret of that success which this little treatise has so long
and so widely enjoyed, as a manual of advice and consolation.
On issuing this discourse to the public, early in the year 1660,
Patrick subjoined to it another in prosecution of the same train of
reflection, — "A Consolatory Discourse to prevent immoderate
grief for the death of our Friends."
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixxiii
A second edition was called for in 167 1, a third in 1674, and a
fourth in 1676, to all of which were appended two papers circulated
during the crisis of the great plague, mainly for the use of the
parishioners of St. Paul's, Covent Garden. The first of these is en-
titled A Brief Exhortation to those who are shut up from
OUR society, and deprived at present of public instruction,
dated Aug. 19, 1665, and addressed as well to those persons who
were actually suffering from the pestilence, as to those who, through
attendance on the sick or from fear of contagion, were shut up in
their dwellings. The second consists of A Consolatory Discourse
persuading to a cheerful trust in God in these times of
trouble and danger, dated September i, 1665.
Deeply imbued with the writer's classical tastes and contempla-
tive predilections, this beautiful series of consolatory counsels blends
throughout the intellectual calm of the philosoi)hic with the re-
signed and constant faith of the religious spirit. The harsher, how-
ever sublime features of pagan morality are seen to be subdued by
the softer and more purifying discipline of Christian belief. Far
from seeking the cure of the heart's sorrow in mere oblivion, either
through the atheistic fatalism of the Stoic, the sensual indifference
of the Epicurean, or the enforced quietism of the predestinarian,
the spirit of suffering humanity is taught to be chastened and en-
nobled under the sense of a providential order, until it can prostrate
itself in unreserved submission and patient trust at the feet of its
Almighty Ruler.
Whilst the faith of the Christian, and the skill of the moral guide
and comforter, are evidenced by the purely evangelical tone of senti-
ment herein inculcated, the taste of the scholar speaks in many a
graceful anecdote and learned maxim, in sage and sedative aphor-
isms from Epictetus, Seneca, and Antoninus, ascetic wisdom from the
early church, and prudential oracles from the school of the Rabbins ;
varied by the somewhat cynical and more worldly counsels of the
moderns, Montaigne and Cardan, Malherbe and Du Vair.
The subsequent editions of these combined pieces have been very
numerous. Eight had been already published at the date of the
author's decease, and repeated reprints have been issued down to
the present time.
Ixxiv
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
The Parable of the Pilgrim.
Patrick's own narrative supplies the information that this alle-
gory was originally composed in the year 1663, for the benefit of a
private (but unnamed) friend, in whose hands it was for some time
sufiFered to remain. At the suggestion of others, that it might be of
more general utility, it was given to the public, vnth certain addi-
tions and modifications, at the close of the follo^^^ug year, or in the
spring of 1665°!. Eclipsed as it has since been by the nobler crea-
tion of a greater master of the imaginative spirit, the reception
accorded to Patrick's fiction was eminently flattering, and at least
conclusive as to its adaptation to the taste and habits of the age.
Numerous editions, in rapid succession, were absorbed by the public
demand. One is dated 1670, but bears nothing to indicate to which
place in the succession it belongs. It was probably the thu-d, since
one was published in 1667. The sixth, illustrated by a curious fron-
tispiece, appeared in 1687, all in the same 4to form.
Characterized as it is throughout by varied learning and exqui-
site sensibility, the Parable cannot be said to approach as a fiction
the highest standard of poetic genius. Still it marks a point in the
national literature. Few models of allegorical composition in prose
were extant in print up to that time in the English language. The au-
thor himself expressly disclaims any special aptitude for that branch of
fiction, and with the utmost frankness acknowledges himself to have
been indebted for the primary conception of his work to an earlier
and independent source, the Sancta Sophia of the Benedictine Au-
gustin Baker. Its first parentage can by means of this clue be
traced back to the " Scala Perfectionis" of Walter Hilton, a Carthu-
sian monk of the fifteenth centm-y^.
The allegorical framework or plot of this piece is really held in
complete subordination to the sober strain of moral and religious
instruction which it was designed to inculcate. Unlike the Pil-
grim's Progress, in which the metaphorical fiction is sustained to
the end, in all the romantic interest of a real history, the Parable,
n> In his autobiography Patrick states that it was published at the close of the
year 1664. and the preface is dated as early as Dec. 14, 1663. On the other
hand the hnprimafiir of archbishop Sancioft's chaplain is dated April 1 1, 1665,
and the first edition bears the latter date.
" See the editor's note on vol. iv. p. 3.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixxv
under a thin veil of dramatic action, seems more expressly con-
structed to embody a grave didactic lesson.
Southey's criticism, disparaging as it may be thought in a literary
sense, affords perhaps no unfair estimate of its religious value.
" Though the Parable," he writes, " is poorly imagined and ill-sus-
tained, there is a great deal of sound instruction conveyed in a sober,
manly, and not unfi-equently felicitous manner."
But the point of most material interest connected with this work
of Patrick's will now be held to lie in the question, What affinity,
if any, may be held to exist between the Parable and its great con-
temporary apologue 1 Was it the means of furnishing the first con-
ception, the title, or any material portion of either plot or imagery
towards the composition of the Pilgiim's Progi'ess ? That one of the
principal charges of plagiarism which the astounding success of
Bunyan's fiction at once aroused against its author pointed towards
this source, is familiar to every student of literary controversy".
It is strange that Southey, referring to many more recondite
sources fi-om which the tinker of Elstow might with but the faintest
plausibility be surmised to have drawn the materials for his allegory,
should yet have passed over one so much nearer at home ; one which
is so far more suggestive of its own affinity, and to which attention
had already been drawn by popular obsei-vation. Sir Walter Scott,
in an article on Southey's Life of Bunyan in the Quarterly Review,
notices this omission? ; at the same time that he adduces his own
reasons for dismissing as unworthy of credit a rumour which would
tend to cast upon the most splendid of uninspired allegories the
imputation of even partial or unconscious plagiarism. It must be
regi-etted that so able a literary censor as Scott should have taken so
little pains to prepare himself with the real facts of the case, as to
have rendered worse than worthless the whole framework of external
proof on which his exculpation is based. " It was absolutely impos-
sible," he argues, " for Bunyan to have been acquainted with Patrick's
work, inasmuch as the latter, though written or sketched out in the
year 1672, was not published till 1678, whereas Bunyan's in all
probability saw the light as early as 1672." A twofold mistake, in-
volving a miscalculation of i4yeai-s, is involved in Scott's argument.
" See Chalmers' Biographical Dictionary, art. 'Patrick.'
r Quarterly Review, vol. xliii. p. 482, &c.
Ixxvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
In the first place, it is now kno^vn that the first edition of the
Pilgrim's Progress, though Sir Walter could not readily have learnt
that fact, was not issued till 1678, the second appearing in the
course of the same yearQ. In the next, as he might easily have
ascertained from Patrick's own advertisement, the Parable had ap-
peared at least as early as 1665. The term of Bunyan's imprison-
ment in Bedford gaol extended from Nov. 12, 1660 to June 1672.
During that period he himself asserts his book to have been written ;
though he further protests that the entire work was his single un-
assisted composition, and that the only volumes of which he was able
to avail himself at the time were the Bible and Foxe's Martyi'ology.
It appears, however, that considerable latitude of action was per-
mitted to Bunyan during the term of his sentence. Liberty of
preaching, and of access to many places beyond the confines of the
castle, was undoubtedly extended to him at certain times. What
then more probable than that he should have become acquainted, by
rumour at least, if no copy came into his hands, with a work already
so widely spread as Patrick's Parable must soon have been f ?
The title and general outline of the subject might at all events
have so far impressed themselves upon his imagination, as, even with-
out actually perusing the volume itself, to take root in so conge-
nial a soil, and germinate almost unconsciously, through a similar
training of ideas, into a nobler allegory upon the same theme, and
under a very similar designation.
Nor is the internal evidence, founded upon the general tenor and
structure of the two works respectively, so wholly conclusive in itself
as to their absolute independence of each other, as many who are
<J Since Scott and Southey wrote, a copy of the first edition of the Pilgrim's
Progi-ess, till then unknown, has been found in the libraiy of K. S. Holford,
Esq. The date is 1678. — See Pocock's biographical notice prefixed to the
illustrated edition of Mr. Selous, and cited in the note to the recent reissue of
Southey 's Essay, 8vo. 1844.
' Wilmot, earl of Eochester, in his "Satire against Man," in imitation of
Boileau, speaks of it as a familiar work. —
" all this we know
From the pathetic pen of Ingelo,
From Patrick's Pilgrim, Sibb's Soliloquies." —
Rochester's Works, p. 5.
"Mrs. Montagu recommended her (Mrs. Carter) to read Patrick's Pilgrim,
and she was delighted with it."— Mrs. Carter's Letters, quoted in Southey'a
Common Place Book, 3rd series, p. 555.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixxvii
exclusively jealous for the honour of the great Calvinistic allegorist
would faiu persuade themselves. Reduced to their simplest outlines,
and divested of the external clothing and integuments with which the
different fancy of their respective authors has arrayed the primary
skeleton of thought, both agree in one ultimate and fundamental idea.
Both alike start fi-om the conception of the Christian inquirer
after truth setting out in the guise and under the name of a Pilgrim
in pursuit of the haven of peace and bliss, the heavenly J erusalem.
Each of the two wayfarers stands in need of a more than ordinary
guide, and is occupied for a considerable portion of his travail with
the anxious endeavour to discover and retain the true and safe one.
" Evangelist" in the Progress ia the precise countertype of the
" guide" in the Parable. Reflecting the particular doubts and perils
which beset the religious inquirer at that day, neither fiction fails to
exhibit the traveller exposed to snares or antagonists emblematic of
the great sectarian contests of the time. The giants Pope and Pagan,
whom Christian in the Pilgrim's Progress has to encounter in succes-
sion in the Valley of the Shadow of death, have their counterparts. If
of less fierce and gigantic proportions, in the two bands of adventurers,
who, in the Parable, strive to entrap Theophilus, or Philotheus, in their
snares 8. One party, the champions of Rome, betray the design of
putting out the Pilgrim's eyes. The opposite band, whose aim is to
deprive him of his director and guide, is as 2>alpably representative
of the antlnomian and libertine spirit, which, whether springing
from the wild dreams of the sectaries, or the atheistic tenets of the
materialists, threatened to subvert the whole doctrine and fabric of
the church. Faithful and Hopeful, Christian's companions, are no
less obviously to be regarded as reflections from Charity and Hu-
mility in Patrick's earlier apologue. Further parallelisms, to some of
which Scott has himself pointed, as proofs of the difference in treat-
ment which characterizes the two ^vl•iter8 (such as that between the
banquet scene richly elaborated by Bunyan, and the " frugal dinner"
simply sketched by Pati-ick^), may on the other hand be viewed as in-
dicating a real community of thought in the first outline of the plot.
' See the Parable of the Pilgrim, chap. 34. vol. iv. pp. 315-323.
• Chap. 32. vol. iv. p. 292. Scott was in fact tempted by these resemblances,
mistaking their respective dates, to transfer the onus of plagiarism to Patrick.
Another work which has been at times connected with the Pilgrim's Progress,
viz., "The Pilgrim's Guide fi-om the cradle to his death-bed," by John Dunton,
published in 1683, betrays similar signs of obligation to Patrick.
Ixxviii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
In the end, after many and sore conflicts with spiritual foes, within
and without, the soul of the wanderer receives in both cases the same
reward of its faith and constancy, in the fruition of that vision of
peace which had kindled and sustained its heavenward aspirations.
Without presuming to institute any invidious comparison as to
intrinsic merit between the works in question, there is no violent
improbability in assuming that, by reading or hearsay information,
Bunyan may have drawn from Patrick's allegory (published eight
years before his release from prison, and fourteen prior to the publi-
cation of the Pilgrim's Progress) the germ of thought, which, under
the quickening inspiration of his loftier genius, was destined to
throw the earlier conception into comparative obscurity. Were this
hypothesis capable of perfect demonstrability, it were a truly curious
instance of the permutations which literature from time to time ex-
hibits, to trace back the literary parentage of the great Calvinistic
allegory, through the mediatory offices of an Anglican prelate, to
its primary source of authorship in the cell of a Carthusian monk.
The name of Walter Hilton must at all events in justice be added
to the list of those earlier allegorists, in whose conceptions later com-
mentators have sought, with far less reason, to discover the first
original of Bunyan's immortal work '.
Advice to a Friend.
This little moralistic treatise was drawn up in the spring of the
year 1673^, with an especial regard to the spiritual guidance of a
young lady with whom Patrick had eight years before contracted a
confidential friendship, under circumstances of the most romantic
interest ; and whom he was destined, after two more years of pro-
tracted solicitation, to succeed in making his wife. The original
MS. of the work, consisting of a slender octavo volume, closely but
clearly wi'itten, has been preserved do^vn to the present time, amongst
other miscellaneous papers connected with the author's life and lite-
rary labours, which have been employed for the present edition of
his writings.
" A list of the chief rival claimants is given in the preface to the recent edi-
tion by the late Mr. N. Hill of the ' P^lerinage de rhomme' of Guillaume de
Guileville.
* See Patrick's Autobiography, vol. ix. p 457.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixxix
In the course of preparation for the press the first draft of the
tract or letter was subjected to a few modifications of no great im-
portance. The warm tone of personal affection and esteem which
breathes through evei-y page imparts additional force and persua-
siveness to the admirable counsels Avhich it provides for the due
ordering of a religious life, and qualifies it to rank among the
choicest examples in this style of religious composition. Pure and
scriptural in its pervading mode of expression, it is set occasionally
with gems of great beauty in the form of classic allusions and ori-
ental maxims. The prayers which accompany each section are con-
ceived in the author's happiest strain, and marked by intense depth
of devotion and tenderness of feeling. A second edition came out
in 1674, a third in 1687, and more than one reprint has appeared
within the present generation.
A Treatise of Repentance and of Fasting, especially of
THE Lent Fast.
The want of a manual for the use of members of the church, upon
a subject so essentially bound up with the practice of Christianity
as that of Repentance, and the ecclesiastical rules proper to the ex-
ercise of self-denial and nioi-tificatlon, induced the wi'iter to put forth
this useful compendium in the year 1685-6. His design in witing
it was not, as he states, to produce a " learned book," or a manual
of controversy, so much as one " of regular piety, and for common
use." In handling a matter at once so important and so difficult as
the true nature and conditions of Christian Penitence, Patrick's doc-
trinal statements are conspicuous for sobriety and moderation ; and
his method of viewing it, in practical combination vnth its great
correlative virtue. Faith, eminently clear and scriptural. The origin
and history of the observance of Lent, with the object and significance
of corporeal exercises and restraints, such as those of fasting and ab-
stinence, in aid of the abstract dispositions of contrition and amend-
ment, are traced with much precision, and enforced by a reference
to the most judicious and seasonable authorities. The doctrines
inculcated, and external rules laid down for the guidance of the
penitent, are in strictest accord with the apostolic regimen of the
church of England. They will be found equally distant ft'om a formal
and mona.stic rigour, as from an antinomian contempt for those out-
Ixxx
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
ward ordinances and disciplinary rules, to which the wisdom of the
church in all ages has lent the force of its sanction.
A reprint of this valuable treatise was put forth at Oxfoi'd in
1840, under the auspices of the Rev. F. E. Paget, another in 1847.
A Discourse concerning Prayer, especially of frequent-
ing THE DAILY PUBLIC PRAYERS, in twO parts.
On no subject connected with the practical aspect of religion have
so many disquisitions been written as on that of Prayer. Without
pretending to special originality of design, or superior eloquence of
language, Patrick's discourse upon that primary constituent of
Christian practice may be safely recommended as second to few
which have either preceded or followed it, whether in fidelity of doc-
trine, earnestness of feeling, or profound acquaintance with the needs
of the human heart. It is the calm and reverential work of a man
who has gained an experimental insight into the sources and work-
ings of the devotional spirit, and can proclaim by personal guarantees
that the effectual fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much.
Every page forms a witness to the elevating effects wrought upon a
meek and trustful heart, by habitual converse >vith the Spirit of
God.
The first part of the discourse treats of Private Devotions ; prepara-
tory to the second, in which the nature, ends, and value of Public or
Common Prayer are earnestly and convincingly demonstrated. The
supreme value attached by God himself to the united prayers of a
Christian congregation, even where two or three a/re gathered together
in the name of Christ, — the enhanced advantage derived by the
worshippers from mutual communion in this sacred office, — the ne-
cessity of public prayers to the very existence of a church, as evinced
by Scriptural and historical testimony ; — these points are touched
upon in succession with great clearness of statement and power of
persuasion. In conclusion, the writer adverts with sobriety and
thoughtfulness to the obligation laid by the ritual of the church
upon her members generally, and those of the clerical body in par-
ticular, towards daily attendance upon the public ministrations of
divine service.
The superior strictness both of the Jewish and early Christian
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixxxi
cburches in the diurnal worship of God, and the cause of the com-
parative laxity of later ages in that observance, especially since the
epoch of the reformation, fiirnish occasion for serious, not to say
humiliating reflections. Patrick's own unwearied diligence, as well
by personal example as by pressing exhortation, towards bringing
back a more primitive and apostolic standard of liturgical con-
formity, enabled him to speak with the authority and weight of a
father of the church to a cold and indifferent generation.
To the complaints of dissenters from the church's system, who
still persisted, though with mitigated asperity, in objecting to a
settled ritual, as " stinting the spirit," and " legalising devotion," he
replies by setting forth the far preponderating advantages of a
stated liturgy, and justifies the claims of the Book of Common
Prayer by an appeal to the authority of Holy Scripture and the
universal voice of the church catholic in all ages.
The Discourse concerning Prayer was first published in the year
1686. A second impression appeared in 1705. The more recent
reprints have been numerous, one under the care of the Rev. F. E.
Paget, as a compsmion to the Treatise on Repentance, in the year 1 840.
Jewish Hypocrisy, a caveat to the present generation.
The fifth volume commences the series of Patrick's polemical
treatises, which are arranged in order of publication, commencing
with those directed against puritanic dissent. The earliest of these
consisted in the first instance of a Sermon preached before the
University of Cambridge on a fast day in the year i657y, and pub-
lished in the following year under the pseudonym of " Ric. Patius,"
bearing the title of " The Hypocritical Nation described," and pre-
ceded by a prefatory letter from the pen of Samuel Jacomb.
Patrick's chief motive for this energetic protest against the domi-
nant religionism of the time arose from indignation at what he could
not but consider the faithless and tyrannical conduct of Cromwell's
y This sermon, although entirely reproduced in the course of the larger
treatise, is interesting enough as the first specimen of Patrick's composition
extant, and first vigorous exponent of his sentiments, to claim a separate place
in the series. It has accordingly been printed in its proper order as the earliest
of his Sennons, vol vii. pp. 405-454.
f
Ixxxii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
government in the ordinances of 1655. Under covert of the neces-
sity for a national militia, a heavy blow was aimed at the royalist
party, by lajing upon them exclusively the whole burden of the rate
for the levy and support of that force. A general inquisition and
denouncement of delinquents was thus authorized. Numbers of the
most quiet and peaceable loyalists were exposed to fresh exactions
and penalties, who had already, as they were led to believe, pur-
chased by their composition the right to equal sufference and im-
munity. " The truth," says Patrick, " is, my spirit was so stirred
against the hypocrisy of that faction, which had lately decimated
those loyal persons who were admitted before to compound for their
delinquency, (as they called it,) that I made a vehement discourse
against the hypocrisy of fasting and prayer, when we continue unjust
and oppress our neighbours z."
At the request of Dr. Worthington, Patrick two years afterwards
decided on expanding this discourse into a larger treatise, and
published it, with a dedication to his patrons the St. John's, under
its present title, just at the crisis of the restoration. In a close
and well sustained parallel the hypocritical pretensions of the Jewish
formalists, both in the earlier period of their history, and in the time
of our Saviour, are compared with those of their modern antitypes,
the sanctimonious professors of puritan precision. Their devotion to
the externals of religion, and deadness to its secret influence ; their
scrupulous study of the letter, and forgetfulness of the spirit of the
divine law ; their formal fastings, and soulless rites ; their austere
demeanour, and affected phraseology, furnish materials for de-
nouncing the evils of Pharisaism in its latest, no less than in its
original phase. Considering the prevalence and strength of the pre-
judices thus attacked, the boldness and independence of tone dis-
played by so young a writer, shuiming all disguise, while exposing
the spiritual vices of his age, is the point which most strikes us in
reading this eloquent and learned disquisition.
A second discourse, of a cognate nature, upon Micah vi. 8, forms
an appendix to " Jewish Hypocrisy." It is entitled " The Epitome
OF Man's Duty, where the hyijocritical people are briefly directed
how to please God." The extent and depth of the author's reading,
ancient and modern, classical and rabbinical, are strikingly illus-
trated in the composition of both these treatises. That they failed to
Vol. ix. p. 431.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Ixxxiii
meet with that measure of public notice which might have been
prognosticated, was greatly due to the magnitude of the crisis in
public affairs at which they appeared. The ultra-presbyterians were
too much occupied with the vicissitudes which the restoration of the
church seemed likely to inflict upon their pai'ty, to repel a merely
literary attack. On the part of the public the work was " not much
minded, (to use the author's words,) at that time of overflowing joy
wheremth the nation was filled." Only one more impression, in ad-
dition to the first, was demanded, being issued in the year 1670.
A Friendly Debate betwixt two neighbours, the one a
Conformist, the other a Non-Conformist, about several
weighty matters ; in three parts, with an Appendix and
Postscript, and a letter to the author of the Ecclesi-
astical Policy.
The first part, or original draft, of the Friendly Debate was writ-
ten in the year 1668, licensed for the press Nov. 7, and entered at
Stationers' Hall Nov. 26. The titlepage of the volume, a small 8vo.
bears date 1669. Its circulation was rapid and extensive, no less
than five impressions having been called for during the same year.
It was followed up by the publication, in the spring of that year, of
the Second Part, or Continuation, dated April 15, 1669, uni-
formly with which the first part was for the fifth time reprinted.
The design of the writer is explained in general terms in his pre-
face to the sixth edition, published in 1684. " As it was written to
take down the pride and insolence wherewith the Nonconfonnists
began at that time to treat us, and to persuade men to conform
themselves to the established orders, so to give them withal a tr-ue
notion of religion, to preserve them from being abused with phrases,
to instruct them in many parts of their Christian duty, to inform them
wherein Christianity doth chiefly consist, and what will make them
thoroughly good ; and particularly how necessary a part of Christian
piety it is to obey the public laws, which no way contradict the laws
of God, and to live in unity with their Christian brethren. What
is to be done also for the restoring of this unity is here declared
a Vol. V. p. 255.
f 2
Ixxxiv EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Burnet and other contemporaiy writers throw additional light
upon the juncture of affairs which induced so sharp an attack upon
the tenets and characteristics of the most popular Nonconformist
teachers.
The tactics of the dissenting leaders had reached at that time
their climax of boldness and ambition. The king was by natural
temperament indifferent to all considerations of a religious nature
alike. Among the influential statesmen about the court some were
influenced by real sentiments of the widest toleration, in wishing to
see Nonconformists indulged in perfect immunity, and a way speed-
ily devised for comprehending a large section of them within the
pale of the establishment. An opposite party, under the patronage
of the duke of York, intrigued for the nominal removal of all re-
strictions upon liberty of conscience and worship, from no lenient
feeling towards protestant dissent, but with the covert design of se-
curing uninterrupted scope for the machinations of popery. Em-
boldened by these various signs of encouragement, the presbyterian
and independent leaders began openly to raise themselves above the
laws which had been enacted for their restraint, and to assume
much of their old attitude of the palmy times when the Church lay
at their mercy.
Efforts of corresponding activity and zeal were naturally forced
upon the friends of the church, for resisting these encroachments on
its legal status. By the exertions of one party fresh efficacy was
imparted to the penal enactments and disabilities which had for a
while slumbered in the statute books. On the i6th of July 1668, a
proclamation was issued, calling attention to the statutes for the re-
straint of nonconformity, which were thenceforth to be carried into
effect with greater stringency than before. For this proclamation
the thanks of both houses of parliament were voted to the crown,
on the sixth of November. In the spring of the following year the
Oxford act was formally reenacted with clauses of increased severity^.
Besides these weapons of civil rigour, other modes of a less for-
cible kind were employed by a different class of defenders of the
church.
Patrick, for one, was inspired by the sincere wish to work upon
the great mass of dissent by way of remonstrance, pointing out the
true nature of the church's system, and the hollowness and falsehood
^ Echard, iii. 300-301.
EDITOirS PilEFACE.
Ixxxv
of the cavils which her enemies had propagated against her. Ex-
posing the insincere arts of many of the most noisy detractors from
the authority of the church and the law, and the dangerous conse-
quences to which their open Antinomianism must conduce, he aimed
at separating between the extreme demagogues and their flocks ;
showing that the pleas of the modern separatists derived no sanction
from the precedent of the earlier fathers of presbytery, whose ground
of quarrel had in a great measure ceased to exist ; and explaining
away the imaginary objections which still kept numbers of the
more moderate presbyterians from conforming to the established
order.
During the same year was organized the well intentioned but
eventually abortive scheme of Wilkins, Bridgman, Hale, and others
of the liberal party in the church, for the recovery of the less extra-
vagant section of nonconformists by means of the measure known as
the Bill of Comprehension. To this design Patrick, and many others
not less liberally inclined among the clergy, were not disposed to
give their adherence c. They were for preparing the way, in the first
instance, for salutary reforms, by removing the current misconcep-
tions of the church's system, and giving full scope to her existing
institutions, before surrendering her integrity to changes, the need
of which had not yet been proved.
Satisfied that many of the grievances most prominently dwelt
upon by the puritan malcontents were wholly imaginary and unreal,
they were convinced that no such scheme of external compromise
would permanently meet the exigency of the time. The real springs
of antagonism on the part of those requisitionists lay deeper than
their ostensible comjilaints of the church's external organization.
The question actually at issue involved nothing less than the admis-
sion into the established pale of so large an element of Calvinistic
opinion as to change the whole tenor of Anglican doctrine and
polity. A genuine Arminian, Patrick was not disposed to look with
indifference at the prospect of fatally unsettling the existing balance
of theological sentiment within the chm-ch. Cherishing a strong
attachment to the usages and discipline, no less than the theology of
the first ages, he was not inclined to surrender them lightly for the
c A brief account of the attempt at comprehension then made, and subse-
quently renewed with the same futile result, will be found in a note on the
Friendly Debate, vol. v. p. 257.
Ixxxvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
modern equivalents of Geneva. In the veiy latitude and liberality
of his views there was rooted a deep antipathy to a profession of be-
lief, which, like that of the puritan faction, would never rest till it had
narrowed the terms of communion to its own most meagre defi-
nition.
It will thus be seen that in opposing himself to the temporary
expedient of a comprehension, so far fi-om acting inconsistently with
his general character for breadth and liberality of mind, Patrick's
conduct was but in exact uniformity with his known philosophical
and theological preferences. In the whole temper and bias of the
presbji;ei'ian agitation he was sensible of a more serious barrier to
union than could be thrown down by tampering with the traditive
terms of ordination, or by merely suppressing or modifying inci-
dental points of ritual and ceremony. To the latter class of ques-
tions he was at all times disposed to bring a generous spirit of con-
cession. But he foresaw an exclusive ascendancy about to be given
to a system of doctrines, which had enjoyed indeed its share of repre-
sentation in the Anglican standards and formularies, but had ever
been balanced and presei'\'ed in check by a stronger element of earlier
di\anity. Those tenets, if allowed increasing and um-estricted scope,
would end by compromising the chmx-h in relation to catholic
Christendom ; and deprive her of her most powei'ful ground of van-
tage against the innovations of Rome, by eliminating all that was
distinctively primitive and apostolic from her teaching and economy.
The sagacity of these views was before long verified to a gi'eat
extent by the overt tactics of the presbji;erians themselves. Their
increasing and exorbitant demands, not less than the egotistical and
aggrandizing temper of their leaders, tended to alienate the sym-
pathy and support of the most forward promulgators of comprehen-
sion. Owen and the independents Avere indeed far from averse to
close with, the profiered terms of accommodation. Not so Baxter
and the presbj-tery. Nothing less than an independent liturgy of
their own, in which the spirit of the old directory spoke throughout,
and no trace of the gi-eat antecedents of Christendom anterior to the
reformation was permitted to linger, would appease the party whose
ritual tastes, and whose ideal of the saintly and the apostolic, centred
in Cahan and Knox rather than Chrysostom and Basil. Even
Bridgman and Wilkins ceased ere long to father the attempt.
Ten years later, when the temper of nonconformity had become
EDlTOirS PREFACE.
Ixxxvii
less hostile, and its pretensions less ambitious and exacting, while
the overt acts of the court for the restoration of popery began to
draw together the whole protestant community by the ties of a com-
mon danger, the project of comprehension, revived by Sancroft, met
with the support of Patrick, as of many others who had before kept
aloof. But at this earlier period he judged such policy, to say the
least, premature. Bent upon exposing the hollowness and frivolity
of those pretexts which were put forth as justifying dissent, and upon
unmasking to the separatists themselves the inflated and arrogant as-
sumptions of many of their forward professors, he published his brief
but cogent pamphlet, the Friendly Debate, under the anonymous
disguise of " a lover of truth and justice." " My intention in it," he
declares, " was sincere, to persuade them in a kind manner to join
with us, at least not to have us in contempt, as if they were the only
godly, and we at the best but moral men (as they called us) who had
not the grace of God in us d."
The Friendly Debate met with the strong approbation of arch-
bishop Sheldon, who had extracted the secret of its authorship from
Royston, Patrick's publisher. It laid the foundation of a lasting-
confidence and patronage on the part of the jjrimate towards the
writer. As regards the public, eagerly as the book was read, the
incognito remained for years unpenetrated. In its effect upon the
dissenters, the work was indeed far from conducing to peace and con-
ciliation. This was in a great measure to be attributed to the tone of
sharpness, and even of ridicule, in which the writer fi-eely indulged,
especially in the later portions of the series. Its style is certainly in
places such as would now be likely to commend itself to the taste of
none but the lowest denomination of controversialists. No greater
sign need be adduced of the advance which two centuries have
effected in general civilization, and in corresponding refinement of
manners, than the comparative decorum with which the polemics
of even the most hostile parties in religion are now habitually con-
ducted.
The voice of public reprobation would now visit every attempt to
disguise the sacredness and importance of such a subject by the use
of pleasantry and banter, or to prejudice a theological opponent by
holding up his opinions and practices, far less his personal or profes-
Vol. ix. p. 450.
Ixxxviii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
sional singularities, to raillery or contempt. A liberal allowance
must, however, in fairness be made for the manners of a period when
the spirit of party, even in its most lenient and charitable form, was
but partly conscious of those checks which society, by its progress in
enlightenment and morals, has since imposed upon itself. Sarcastic
description and witty repartee were as yet held no unlicensed or un-
seemly implement for branding an antagonist, or demolishing a theo-
logical position. Not only fi-oni the press, but from the more sacred
precincts of the pulpit, language alternately fierce and derisive,
threatening and ironical, was listened to Avithout surprise. An age
which welcomed -with delighted laughter the comic portraiture ■ of
pm-itan eccentricities in the rhythmical caricature of Hudibras, and
heard without wonder or indignation, that mimicry of the singu-
larities of precisionist preachers had furnished matter of diversion to
gi-ave audiences in the archiepiscopal halls of Lambeth 6, were not
likely to be very sternly revolted when the same ironical and con-
temptuous strain was taken up by an anonjTnous pen in contro-
versial prose. No single expression in the whole com'se of the
Friendly Debate could, after all, be compared for virulence or exag-
geration Avith the habitual efiiisions of contemporary pamphleteers,
such as Parker or L'Estrange; still less wth the scurrilous and in-
decent diatribes which were continually being flung out by the sec-
tarian press, numberless instances of which are here accumulated by
Patrick himself Nor could an uniformly gi\ave and fastidious treat-
ment be stipulated for, as of right, by a party which had first set the
precedent of vulgar freaks of -wit, and facetious parody of scripture
phi-ase, in discoursing even upon the most sacred themes, and on the
most solemn occasions.
Patrick's keen and elaborate exposure of the principles of his op-
ponents, almost in their own language, sustained at every step by
confirmatory extracts from Avritings of their favourite organs, could
not but tell with immense effect upon the popular mind, which had
for some time been tm-ning against the pm-itan schism. Hence the
rapid demand for five editions in the first year. The author's wish,
however, which was not to \viden, but to bridge over the breach, was
unfortunately not destined to be realized. " The three volumes of
the Friendly Debate," Burnet writes, " though wi-it by a very good
e See Pepys's Diary, May 14, 1669 ; quoted by Buckle, History of Civiliza-
tion, vol. i. p. 358.
EDITOR'S PKEFACE.
Ixxxix
man, and \vith a good intent, had an ill effect in sharpening people's
spirits too much against theni^."
Bm-net gives his opinion of Patrick elsewhere, with the present
work in view, as having been " a little too severe against those who
differed from him. But that was when he thought their doctrines
struck at the fundamentals of religion. He became afterwards
more moderated."
In his Life of Dr. Manton, Patrick's predecessor in the rectory
of St. Paul's, Covent Garden, and subsequently a nonconformist,
Harris says that " it has been generally allowed that Dr. Patrick
wrote the first volumes of the Friendly Debate in the heat of his
youth, and in the midst of his expectations ; which, by aggravating
some weak and incautious expressions in a few particular writers,
designed to expose the nonconformist ministry to contempt and ridi-
cule. The design was afterwards carried on by a worse hand (bishop
Parker) and with a more virulent spirit^." Hams subjoins that
Patrick himself, in his advanced age, took the opportunity aflPorded
him by the debate upon the Occasional Bill, in order to express his
" regret for the warmth with which he had written against the dis-
senters in his younger years'."
' Burnet's Own Time, i. 451. Lewis du Moulin, a rigid Calvinist and inde-
pendent, in his "Appeal of all the Non-conformists in England," printed in
1680, complained, that "several bishops and doctors of the Church of England,
as Dr. Lloyd, Dr. Tillotson, Dr. Stillingfleet, Dr. Patrick, that are acknow-
ledged by the Non-conformists to be persons of great learning and worth and
piety, but who are extreme admirers of the episcopacy of England, and all its
consequences, and who have also preferred its government to all other esta-
blishments in Europe, have by an unlucky accident contributed more towards
the reputation of the English hierarchy and its practices, and towards the per-
petuating the feuds and quarrels between the Conformists and the Non-Con-
formists, than it had been possible for any other corrupted party to do by all
their irregularities and advances towards Rome." — Quoted by Birch, p. 33.
On his death-bed, in the same year, Du Moulin recanted in the presence of
Burnet and Patrick these and similar expressions in which he had reflected upon
the clergy named. — See vol. ix. p. 474.
S Vol. i. p. 326. Patrick's moderation became in effect the means of bring-
ing upon him, at a later period, the calumnious charge of " openly favouring
the dissenters, and promoting none but those who were of that way of think-
ing."— See Neal's Puritans, iv. 387, Chalmers, and Wharton's notes in the
Lansdowne MSS. 987, fol. 294.
h Harris's Life of Manton, p. 33. Compare Sylvester, iii. 39; Orme, i. 339.
> Patrick's expressions, as reported by Harris, will be seen in a note on that
passage in his Autobiography, vol. ix. p. 554.
xc
EDlTOirS PREFACE.
The reflections of Sir Mattliew Hale, to whom Patrick stood op-
posed on the question of comprehension, and who dreaded the effect
of the Friendly Debate in exasperating the dissenters, were the cause
of much mortification to the author. The chief justice, as reported by
Baxter, even went the length of insinuating that its vehemence of
language was prompted by motives of self interest. In his preface
to the last reprint, Avritten in November 1683, Patrick relieves him-
self fi-om this aspersion, and demonstrates that his conduct at that
crisis, opposed as it was to the overt policy of the crown and cabinet,
had actually the effect of compromising and retarding his profes-
sional prospects. At the same time he considered himself entitled
to draw fi'om the recent treasonable attempt at the Rye-house a
confirmation of what he had ventured to prognosticate of the pre-
valent antinomian spirit, which led the age to chafe under the re-
straints of the law and the church'^.
A hasty and intemperate reply to Patrick's allegations against the
dissenters came out shortly after the publication of the Second Part.
It was entitled " A Sober Answer to the Friendly Debate between a
Conformist and a JSTon-Conformist, wi-itten by way of letter to the
author thereof, by Philagathus :" a bulky tract of 294 pages in small
8vo. The preface is dated June i, 1669. This work, fidl of inac-
curate statements and \Tilgar personalities, was before long generally
known to be the production of Dr. Samuel Rolls, a presbyterian di-
vine, who had been sometime a fellow of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge, and was at this time zealous for nonconformity; though at a
subsequent period he claims to have felt, even at this date, a secret
attachment to the church I Among the Tanner papers in the Bod-
leian Liljrary is a supplicatory letter fi-om Rolls to ai'chbishop San-
croft, dated Ajiril 6, 1678, in which he exjiresses his willingness to
be admitted into communion with the church of England, with very
little concealment as to the jirice at which his conformity was to be
secured ; and protests that it had been his intention to conform ten
years before, had his merits and claims not been blindly overlooked.
His subserviency appears at length to have met with its stipulated
recognition. On the titlepage of two Discourses published in that
year under the title of " Loyalty and Peace," in which he loudly re-
probates the crime of rebellion, and the murder of the late king,
Rolls is designated as " Chaplain in ordinary to his majesty," and in
l< See vol. V. p. ■256. ' See vol. vi. p. 3.
EDITOR S PREFACE.
XCl
a fulsome letter to Ai'lingtou, lord chamberlain, pours forth his
thanks for the honour recently paid him. lu the interval preceding
the restoration, Rolls appears to have been entrusted with some
commission of a judicial kind, or to have exercised magisterial func-
tions, possibly for the detection of malignants : since in a return sent
in to the council of state, and still extant among the records in the
privy council office at Whitehall, a memorandum has been found by
the editor to the effect that " Samuel Rolls heard the examination of
JohnKirke and Martin Parr at Balbrough, Oct. 24, 1650."
Baxter states, to the same effect, that he had been minister at
Thistleworth, and was " so near conformity that he had taken the
Oxford oath™, read the Common Prayer, and preached at a hospital
in Southwark at £40 per annum, and expected a better place in
Bridewell, but was deprived of that, yet neglected by the Non-Con-
formists for having gone so far"." It is added by Kennet that he
was expelled fi-om Thistleworth under the Bartholomew act, and
driven into conformity by his subsequent sufferings o. According to
the Non-Conformists' Memorial he was also deprived of the living of
Dunton, Bucks P. No fixrther particulars have been ascei'tained con-
cerning him, save that he published in the year 1667 some discourses
on the burning of London.
In reply to Rolls Patrick put forth A Further Continuation,
OR THE Third Part of the Friendly Debate, dated Oct. 13,
1669. Herein he lashed the ignorant mistakes and petulant quib-
bles of his antagonist, in a manner which was thought by some
to savour too much of jocularity and satire, but which rose at least
immeasurably above the paltry and personal tone of the attack that
had provoked it, nor was at all inconsistent with the general temper
of controversy then in vogue.
Rolls appears to have made no attempt to renew the polemical
contest. Soon after the publication of his " Sober Answer," and
when Patrick had already concluded his reply, a more grave and rea-
sonable pamphlet made its appearance, which reflected with some fair-
ness and sobriety upon many passages and statements in the Friendly
Debate, and was felt by Patrick to deserve a more attentive and
serious consideration. It is styled " An Humble Apology for Non-
Conformists, vrith modest and serious reflections upon the Friendly
For an account of the Oxford oath, see vol. v. p. 467.
" Sylvester's Life of Baxter, iii, 41 . " Kennet, Reg. p. 923. 1' Vol, i. p.298.
xcii
EDITOR'S PKEFACE.
Debate, by a lover of tnitb and peace." Tbe name of tbe -wi-iter is
not known. He rebuts, without invective or indecorum, the chai-ges
of disloyalty, schism, hypocrisy and sacrilege averred by Patrick
against the sectaries in general, defends the character and motives of
then- more prominent champions, and pleads for a more charitable
and generous construction of their scruples.
Among other points he discusses with much temperance the rival
claims of presbj-terian and episcopal ordination, of litm-gical forms
and extempore prayers, of faith and good works as elements in jus-
tification, and of Arminianism and Calvinism as the prevailing doc-
trine of the church of England ; and \-indicates the less extravagant
among the dissenting body, such as the strict presbyterians and
moderate independents, from being classed ^vith regicides, anabap-
tists, levellers and fifth monarchy men.
In his rejoinder, which came out in a small 8vo tract or letter,
dated Jan. 13, 1669 (1670), and entitled, An Appendix to the
Third Part of the Friexdly Debate, Patrick substantiates his
former statements against the censures of his anonymous critic, fol-
lows him closely through his several heads of objection, and de-
monstrates, that far from confotmding all separatists in one common
gulf of reprobation, he had evinced all due respect for the -s-irtues,
learning, and sufferings of the really meritorious of their number,
and had throughout held up the piety, judgment, and sobriety of the
earlier nonconformists, as examj^les for the emulation of their suc-
cessoi-s.
Another anonj-mous attack was made about the same time upon
certain portions of the Friendly Debate, in a short pamphlet pur-
porting to be " A Case of Conscience, whether a Xon-Confonnist
who hath taken the Oxford oath, may come to live at London, or at
any corporate town, or mthin five miles of it, and yet be a good
Christian; stated briefly and published in reference to what is
offered to the contraiy in a book intituled, ' A Friendly Debate be-
tAvixt a Conformist and a Xon-Conformist, ' together with some
animadversions on a new book entitled ' Ecclesiastical Polity,' " &c.
The -writer had designed, as he states, a longer and more systematic
work ; but finding himself anticipated by an earlier vindicator, con-
tented himself with controverting Patrick's censm'es upon the con-
duct of nonconformists, in defy-ing or evading the ci^'il restraints
placed upon them by the legislature ; with more particular reference
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
xciii
to the tlegi-ee of moral obligation to be attached to an oath taken
under the pressure of judicial pains or disabilities.
A novel and ingenious position both in law and casuistry had been
recently taken up by the leaders of the nonconforming body. Since
the act against conventicles had been suffered to expire, it was as-
sumed that, no legal definition of a conventicle now remaining, there
was nothing to constitute attendance at one a moral or penal
offence.
" ilr. Baxter and other teachers now openly boasted of the Act
against conventicles being no longer in force ; of their meetings
being not now contrary to law ; of no act in being that could convict
them of keeping conventicles ; of the Oxford act only supposing per-
sons already convicted, but not enabling any to convict them; of the
Oxford oath no way concerning their teachers, and that it ought not
to be put upon themP." The present case of conscience had in all
probability express reference to the personal example of Baxter
himself ; who had during the same year been arraigned for preach-
ing at Brentford, and sentenced, under the Oxford or five mile act,
to six months' imprisonment from the iith of June. On his re-
lease within that period, on the ground of informality, the case not
having been tried on its merits, Baxter sought to justify his conduct,
by the opinion of sergeant Fountaine and other leading counsel in
favour of his interpretation of the law.
Patrick's answer to this Case of Conscience is subjoined to the
Appendix by way of Postscript. It treats broadly and generally
of the relations between the conscience of the subject and the civil
power, of the right of the supreme magistrate to legislate in matters
relating to I'eligion, and the lawfulness of resisting or disobeying
such laws on the plea of conscientious objections. The grounds
taken, and conclusions arrived at, are practically identical with the
general fomulas propounded by Sanderson and Jeremy Taylor, though
not perhaps delivered with the scientific accuracy and forcible sen-
tentiousness of those eminent casuists. Passing over extreme and
imaginary cases, and speaking chiefly of negative instances or prohi-
bitions, rather than positive commandments, the whole matter under
dispute is brought clearly within the scope of the simple rule that
" we must submit to all manner of ordinances of men for the Lord's
P Echard, iii. 300.
1 Calamy's Abridgment, p. 324. Sylvester, iii. pp. 48-60. Oi-me, i. 343-350.
xciv
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
sake, so long as they ordain nothing contrary to the express word
of God>-."
The controversial series arising out of the publication of the
Friendly Debate is closed by A Letter to the Author of a Dis-
course OF Ecclesiastical Polity. In the preface to the last
named work, published in 1670, Pai-ker had drawn attention to
Patrick's dialogue, as having anticipated much of his own design,
and had spoken of it with the highest encomiums. The two works
are yet by no means one in spirit. Parker inveighs against tolera-
tion and liberty of conscience Avith a narrowness and heat which is
nowhere discoverable in Patrick's severest censures upon dissent. —
" When I first resolved upon this undertaking, the main design in
my thoughts was to represent to the world the lamentable folly and
silliness of these men's religion, and to show what pitiful and in-
competent guides of their actions theii- own consciences are ; and
that to leave them to the government of their own persuasions is
only to deliver them up to be abused by all manner of vices and
follies ; and that when they have debaucht their minds with
pride, ignorance, self-love, ambition, peevishness, malice, envy, sur-
liness, and superstition, &c., they then bestow the authority and
sacredness of conscience upon their most violent, boisterous, and
ungovernable passions. In brief, that their consciences are seized on
by such morose and surly principles as make them the rudest and
most barbarous people in the world ; and that, in comparison of
them, the most insolent of the Pharisees were gentlemen, and the
most salvage of the Americans philosophers. But in this design I
found myself happily prevented by a late learned and ingenious dis-
course, ' The Friendly Debate,' that has um-avelled all their affected
phrases with so much perspicuity of wit, discovered the feebleness of
their beloved notions with so much clearness of reason, demonstrated
the wildness of their practices by so many pregnant and undeniable
testimonies, exposed the palpable imwarrantableness of their schism,
the shameful prevarication of their pretences, and utter inconsistency
of their principles with public peace and settlement ; and, in brief, so
evidently convicted the leaders in the faction of such inexcusable
knavery, and their followers of such a dull and stubborn simplicity,
that 'tis impossible any thing should hold out against so much force
' Vol. vi. p. 383.
EDITOR^S PREFACE.
xcv
of reason and demonstration, but invincible impudence and ob-
stinacy
Beside other sharp replies to Parker from the nonconforming
body, a pamphlet was issued by Owen under the title of " Truth
and Innocence vindicated, in a sm*vey of a discourse concerning
Ecclesiastical Polity, and the authority of the civil magistrate over
the consciences of subjects in matters of religion," which has been
reprinted in the 21st volume of Orme's edition of his wiitings. In
this he incidentally animadverts with much asperity upon the state-
ments and mode of argument contained in Patrick's discourse. His
principal ground of objection is captious and trivial enough. He
seeks to fasten a complaint upon the particular form selected by
Patrick for giving effect to his strictures : the method of a dialogue
being, as he avers, " peculiarly accommodated to render the senti-
ments and expressions of our adversaries ridiculous, and expose their
persons to contempt and scorn." He protests that " in points of
faith, opinion and judgment, this way of dealing hath been hitherto
esteemed fitter for the stage, than a serious disquisition after truth
or confutation of error."
Kather than be left subject to misrepresentation, even in so inci-
dental and gratuitous a matter, Patrick chose to embody, in his Letter
to Parker, a dissertation wholly disproportionate in point of learning
and research to the question under cavil. By reference to need-
lessly copious precedents, he shows how frequent the use of the
Socratic form of disputation has ever been in the hands of the
worthiest scholars, philosophers, moralists and divines, few of whom
have felt themselves precluded, even by the gravity of the cause at
issue, from occasionally disarming a cavil or a crotchet by the wea-
pons of irony and sarcasm ; illustrating the now trite maxim of not
the least sagacious or observant critic of human motives,
" ridiculum acri
Fortius et melius magnas plerumque secat res."
No ordinary pains were taken by Patrick to prepare himself for
the task which he has discharged in this series of controversial
pieces. Much time and labour must plainly have been involved in the
mere accumulation of so extensive a mass of materials as that from
which his apposite and graphic illustrations are drawn. Few more
' Parker's Preface to his Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity.
xcvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
comprehensive or systematic collections can ever have been formed,
particularly by a private hand, of the peculiar literature of Puritanism,
embracing its history, tenets, and personal or social peculiarities.
Within the scope of his multifarious reading are comprised not only
the severe and elaborate theology of the more learned and venerable
of the puritan fathers ; but sermons and discourses, divers and in-
numerable, parliamentary addresses and harangues, Barebone ordi-
nances, commonwealth tracts and cavalier pamphlets, Oliverian
broadsides and Caroline proclamations. Mercuries and Gazettes, fifth-
monarchy prophecies and Anabaptist revelations, libels and pasquils
from Martin Mar-Prelate to the Observator and the Gangrcena,
never fail to supply him with appropriate references, or to give
authentic speech to every class of disputants who figure in his
dialogue.
Not the least toilsome, nor yet the least instructive portion of the
editor's task has sprung from his anxiety to trace out and verify
these several sources of information, with a view not only to test the
accuracy of the writer's statements, but, by pointing out their origin,
to facilitate the labour of the student who may wisli to pursue his
researches further into the history of that period. He has endea-
voured, with the same design, to elucidate by the aid of notes such
points of historical or controversial interest as were less likely to be
familiar to the general reader, including brief biographical notices
of the less known wi-iters, or other personages who are introduced.
Those who are conversant with the original literature of that
period will appreciate the difficulty of following an author into the
several recesses of learning to which he has often made but the most
vague and cursory reference. The more ephemeral and fugitive
pieces, such as the tracts and pamphlets of the time (of which
upwards of two hundred at the least are cited here) are, as is well
known, especially when anonymous, not to be met with without the
utmost difficulty. Some of these here quoted are now of extreme
rarity, if not totally lost. Even the immense collections of the
British Museum, the Bodleian and Cambridge University Libraries,
those of the Middle and Inner Temples, Lincoln's Inn, and Sion
College, and that of Dr. Williams in Whitecross St., have failed in
one or two instances to yield up the missibg sheets. It has been
the editor's aim to render such as have been found more ready of
access in future, l)y giving where possible their titles and authors'
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
xcvii
names in full. In the case of documents which have since been re-
printed in more voluminous collections, such as those of Rushworth,
Scobell, and Whitelocke, the Somers Tracts or Harleian Miscellany,
a reference has been appended to the place where they are to be
verified.
Few readers need desire a more full and comprehensive insight
into the religious and political state of England during the period of
the great puritanic convulsion, than can be attained by simply follow-
ing up the course of reading, which, in a manner somewhat desultory,
it is true, yet richly illustrative of its subject, I'uns through the suc-
cessive portions of the Friendly Debate.
A Discourse of profiting by Sermons, and of going where
MEN THINK THEY MAY PROFIT MOST.
Not the least warning symptom of the vast change which had
been wrought in the religious habits of the people, by its rapid
strides in independence and enlightenment during the eventful cen-
tury following the reformation, made itself felt in the relation that
subsisted between the preacher and his hearers. The pulpit had
imperceptibly risen into a position of prominence, from which it
overshadowed all the other machinery of religious influence. But
while its power became thus paramount, it obeyed a different law of
operation. No longer could the same simple and unquestioning de-
ference be either paid or expected as of yore, when the very office of the
pastor sufficed to command the reverential hearing of his flock, and
his addresses partook less of the character of appeals to critical in-
tellects or stubborn wills, than that of dictates to a docile and ac-
quiescent belief. Nor could this transition, whatever the reflections
to which it might give rise, be held other than in keeping with the
general temper of the age. When the primary grounds of religion
itself had by common consent been referred to the arbitration of pri-
vate judgment, the same general law of mental progression must
needs have produced its effect in modifying the direct influence of
religious appeals from the pulpit.
It was of the essence of nonconformity to foster this apparent re-
versal of relations, which raised in a sense the hearer into the place
of arbiter and censor over his nominal instructor in spiritual things.
The dissenting layman, who had exercised his own free judgment and
xcviii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
option in separating or keeping aloof from the church of his fathers,
was httle hkely to forego the right of subjecting the ministrations of
his chosen spiritual guide to the subjective test of his individual pre-
possessions and tastes. The separatist divine, indebted for his au-
thority and mission solely to the gratuitous suffrages of his congre-
gation, was quickly brought to feel and respond to the intellectual
stimulus of so purely personal a connection. Energies and exertions
were forced upon the preacher, if only by the aggressive character
of his ministry, such as the church, in her attitude of prescriptive
right and passive defence, was naturally less forward to develope ;
such as could hardly have been realized by the official expositor of
an exact and ancient system, or while the voice of authority con-
tinued to resound without provoking cavil or demur. No longer clad
with the insignia of any authority but his own, he was thrown for
the substantiation of his message upon the ordinary laws of oratori-
cal suasion.
So great a revulsion could hardly be effected, and not be liable to
its accompanying abuses. Its dangerous tendency was to foster in
the hearer a love of mere oratory, and a craving for novelty and
excitement rather than sober truth ; in the preacher a descent to
extravagance and paradox in doctrine, reckless and fanciful flights
of language, and meretricious acts of oratorical display.
The general license which had grown up during the abeyance of
the church's regular discipline continued to manifest itself long after
the restoration, in an habitual impatience of the ordinary ties be-
tween pastor and people, and a hankering after a more exciting
strain of eloquence than it was the church's usage to supply. A
fancied fault in manner, a deficiency in power or sweetness of voice,
an uneasy gesture or too tame an attitude in the pulpit, would often
be made a pretext for turning the back upon a faithful and earnest,
but not popularly gifted teacher. On the other hand, shallow and
ignorant pretension, a bold and irreverent use of holy themes, rash
and reckless appeals to prejudice or passion, were drunk in by eager
and indiscriminating crowds, when commended by a fluent tongue,
an impetuous action, and a front insensible to lapses in logic, or sins
in taste.
It may be questioned, without disloyalty, whether the church of
England at large showed herself at the time sufficiently alive to
the significance and moinent of the change which had passed over
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
xcix
the religious temper of the nation, or whether she has at any time
been sufficiently forward to avail herself of the opportunities and
advantages which were bound up with a due employment of the
great ordinance of preaching. The pulpit has even been allowed to
become for whole generations, and to a deplorably wide extent, the
very badge of sectarian religion. With the sects, of whatever grade or
pattern, it has ever been the all in all of ritual and organization.
The church, on the contrary, more careful to give scope and ex-
pansion to her parochial system and symbolical means of grace, even
jealous, it may be, of detracting from the supreme sacredness and
efficacy of her divinely-ordered sacraments, has been less proportio-
nately studious to allow its due authority to an apostolic institution
so vital to her true interests, as that of the ministry of the Word.
That ordinance which was to the churchman but ancillary to his
higher engines for the cure and salvation of souls, a lesser part of
his organized machinery of ritual and discipline, gathered into itself
the entire energies of the nonconformist divine, regulated the whole
tenor of his studies and pursuits, and moulded to one end every faculty
of thought and speech.
Complaints, which we dare not hastily sentence as presumptuous
and indefensible, were especially rife at the period of the restoration
against the style of preaching which had most generally been re-
vived among the clergy of the establishment. With the rehabilita-
tion of the bygone order of things in doctrine and ritual, reappeared
in the pulpit much of the old technical structure, the scholastic dis-
tribution, and traditional formality both of diction and delivery,
which had been in vogue while religious teaching was swathed in
the bands of the scholastic centuries, and while the forms of educated
thought were mainly cast in a matrix of medieval Latinity. To an
audience accustomed to the fiery harangues or unctuous outpourings
of the Crorawellian era, homilies of the common Anglican type may
well have sounded dull, conventional and jejune in matter, and dry,
frigid and uninteresting in style.
Ears that had thrilled to the bursts of an eloquence, which if
coarse and exaggerated, was unmistakably bold, original and home-
spoken ; if reckless in statement, loose in logic, and inelegant in
taste, had at all events the charm of fervour, and the outward guise
at least of sincerity, itched, under the more sober and decorous
ministrations of the church, for the impassioned oratory of their
now silenced pastors, or strayed by stealth to the proscribed con-
g 2
c
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
venticle. The breach was widened by doctrinal differences. Syste-
matic instruction in doctrine, in Scripture history, or in the practice
of Christian virtue, — obedience, purity, temperance, uprightness, and
hohness of will and deed, — grated discordantly upon the ear of the
ultra-Pauline and Augustinian claimant of irreversible election, and
faith irrespective of works ; and was utterly denounced by the Anti-
nomian of whatever shade as a savour of " mere morality," a " stinted
and legal spirit," Arminianism and heathenry*. A few favourite dog-
mas alone were permitted to eke out the slender theology of the
presbyterian pulpit. Its tone must in no instance fall short of
startling the hearer by paradox or humour, or electrifying him by
vehemence and fire. Most bitter were the sneers and recriminations
upon the habit of delivering the discourse from a prepared manu-
script. That practice stands to the present day as a marked me-
morial of the difference in conception, which has from the first, as
a rule, distinguished the homiletics of the church from those of the
nonconforming clergy". Down to the reformation, and a century
later, the idea of a sermon approached far more nearly to that of the
divinity lecture of the doctor or master in theology, than to the ap-
peal of the oratorical declaimer. In form it was designed to embody
the results of reading, and sow the seeds of meditation, far more
than to arouse the curiosity, or to stimulate the religious emotions.
Precision in stating, and a reverent guardedness in delivering the
doctrines of his creed, were kept more prominently before the
preacher's mind, than novelty or brilliancy of matter, or the arts of
oratorical appeal. Enthusiasm had been but too readily identified
with the temper of separatism and heterodoxy, for the orthodox di-
vine not to fall back in contrast upon a quietistic content with what
was conventional and sober, traditionary and safe.
In this unsatisfactory state of the relations between the church
and her congregations, strenuous efforts were made by Patrick, in
conjunction with his friends, Tillotson, Stillingfleet and Tenison, to
t Eveljm bewails the neglect of practical religious teaching in the presbyte-
rian pulpit, which under the license of the restoration bore such scandalous
fruits. — "There was now nothing practical preached, or that pressed reforma-
tion of life ; but high and speculative points, and strains that few understood ;
which left people very ignorant and of no steady principles." — Memoirs,
Nov. 2, 1656.
1 Patrick's own practice, in common with most of his contemporaries in the
church, was to read his sermons. The royal chaplains, he incidentally men-
tions, were required to preach " witliout book." — Vol. ix, p. 455.
EDlTOirS PREB^ACE.
ci
promote on the part of the clergy a better understanding of the true
functions of the pulpit, and to bring home to nonconformists a
sounder estimate of the church's standards of instruction. In their
own discourses they set the precedent of a new and more appro-
priate kind of eloquence, simple, direct, and suited to the popular
understanding. The classic style of the earlier Anglican models
gave them its severity of thought and scholarly precision of phrase,
no longer encumbered by its elements of pedantry and formalism.
The zeal and fervour of the great Puritan divines was fairly matched,
yet purified from its vein of spiritual egotism, its doctrinal excesses,
its frenzied heat or grotesque sallies of wit. With the view of further
conciliating the malcontents by means of argument, Patrick drew up,
in the year 1683, his short Discourse of profiting by Sermons,
AND OF GOING WHERE MEN THINK THEY PROFIT MOST.
His reasoning is such as may be read with profit at all ages of
the church, setting forth as it does with the utmost judgment what
should be the true aim of a faithful preacher, and distinguishing be-
tween the merely ephemeral and shallow effects of a sermon, and
those which are really permanent and valuable. He unmasks the
flimsy pretexts by which many sought to justify a merely wanton
and capricious spirit of criticism ; and traces to an idle temper of
instability and self-pleasing much that claimed to betoken superior
spiritual light, or exceptional fastidiousness of taste.
The constituents of a good sermon, together with the frame of
mind which can alone render it profitable to the hearer, have never
been more faithfully defined than in the brief passages following : —
" A sermon is then profitable, when it informs the mind and
judgment aright in divine truth ; when it instructs you in any part
of the Christian duty ; when it tends to strengthen or awaken your
faith, that you may more steadfastly adhere and earnestly apply
yourselves to what you know and believe certainly to be God's mind
and will ; when it works upon the will and the affections to submit
entirely to God's will, that you may bring forth the fruit of an holy
life ; when it corrects any of your errors, stirs up your sloth, en-
courages you to diligence, cheerfulness and perseverance, and such
like things.
" But the best contrived sermon in the world for all these ends,
though it were indited by the Spirit of God itself, would have no
efficacy at all in it, if they that heard it did not attend to it : and
attend without prejudice, without passion, without partiality, without
cii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
rash and hasty judgment, without pride and conceit of themselves,
and tlaeir own knowledge and righteousness. That is, unless they
consider and weigh what is delivered, though contrary to their pre-
sent sense : unless they will impartially give everything that is
offered to their mind a due regard, and allot some time for its
further consideration, when it is not to their liking, &c. For want
of which multitudes did not profit by our Saviour's sermons, but
were hardened against him, and against the Holy Ghost, when it
came down from heaven to convince them'^."
A lax and erratic kind of devotion had become largely prevalent,
many, without openly apostatizing from the church, yet halting in alle-
giance between the church and the meeting house ; hanging on the
ministrations of preachers who pandered to the tastes of such volup-
tuaries in religion, and excusing their dalliance with dissent by the plea
of their being found on occasions within the pale of the established
sanctuary. In rebuke of this vagrant and vacillating practice, en-
couraged by the sectarian preachers of the time, Patrick refers at
length to the strictures passed upon such half-hearted devotion by
one of the greatest fathers of Puritanic dissent, Arthur Hildersham.
His dissuasive is couched in gentle and conciliatory tones, its object
being to disarm opposition and cavil, and to conform waverers in
attachment to the church's means of grace. That persuasive, not
compulsory means were the engines on which he relied for the sup-
pression of this habit of desultory religion, is evinced by the opposi-
tion with which he met the bill against Occasional Conformity in-
troduced into the House of Lords in the year 1702. His remarks
on that occasion will be found cited in a note on that portion of his
biography, vol. ix. p. 554.
This discourse, which bears marks of having been in the first in-
stance designed for delivery from the pulpit, was given to the public
in a 4to tract in the year 1683. It was again printed, in combina-
tion with others relating to cognate topics, in the " Collection of
Cases and other discourses written to recover dissenters to the com-
munion of the church of England."
This collection, comprising twenty-three treatises by eighteen
separate contributors, among whom occur the names of Sherlock,
Williams, Benjamin Calamy, Tillotson, Tenison and Fowler, appeared
in two volumes 4to in 1685, a second time in one volume folio in
1694, and a third in three octavo volumes in 1718.
" Vol. vi. p. 424.
EDITOirS PREFACE.
ciii
An Earnest Request to Mr. John Standish, &c.
Allusion has already been made to the strenuous opposition by
which the new or critical theology was encountered from two different
quarters. Its freer and more argumentative tone of reasoning, to-
gether with its tacit reference to private judgment, provoked hosti-
lity on one side at the hands of the remnant of the old conservative
party in the church, who, still clinging to the traditional rule of
authority, extolled learning above reasoning, and submission above
inquiry. Its scientific structure, and intimate connection with the
laws of ethics and natural religion, raised up other adversaries in
the dogmatists of the Puritan or ultra- Calvinistic school. The bug-
bear of the former section lay in innovation and private opinion, as
that of the latter is Arminianism and the use of human reason.
The efforts of the greatest intellects of the age to stem the rising
torrent of infidelity and lawlessness, by basing once for all the hea-
venly doctrines of religion on the rock of irrefragable proof, were
mistaken by narrow or timid minds for a guilty compromise with
the adversaries of Christian truth, and denounced as fraught with
the very evils they were alone calculated to dissipate, those of infi-
delity, licentiousness, and irreligion. Neither the profound talents,
wide erudition, or enthusiastic piety which they brought to the
defence of the Christian faith, could screen them from the invi-
dious aspersion of secretly plotting for atheism against the gospel,
and human reason against revealed truth.
When the great names of Taylor, Chillingworth, and Bull are
found classed in the theological invectives of the day with the cause
of Socinianism and infidelity, it can be no wonder that the bold and
independent views which had obtained the name of ' latitudinarian'
should have concentrated upon their holders the jealousy and suspi-
cion of each extreme in the religious world. Philosophy and liberality
served to array against the neutral section of the clergy all those
who from opposite motives conspired to sever between reason and
Christian belief.
Not only Geneva, but Rome rose in alarm at the prospect of a
league between science and religion, for the difiiision of light and
banishment of superstition. The part played by the papists, which
appears to have been followed to too great an extent by the extreme
CIV
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
hierarchical or Jacobite party in the church, was very characteristic
of the unvarying poHcy of their body. "The latitudinarians," Burnet
writes, " were all very zealous against popery. And so, they be-
coming soon very considerable, the papists set themselves against
them to decry them as atheists, deists, or at best Socinians. And
now that the main principle of religion was struck at by Hobbs and
his followers, the papists acted upon this a very strange part. They
went in so far even into the argument for atheism, as to publish
many books in which they affirmed that there was no certain proof
of the Christian religion, unless we took it from the authority of the
church as infallible. This was such a delivering up of the cause to
them, that it raised in all good men a very high indignation at
popery; that party shewing, that they chose to make men who would
not turn papists become atheists, rather than believe Christianity
upon any other ground than infallibilityy."
This fundamental antipathy was in some degree brought to an
issue when John Standish, one of the royal chaplains, preaching in
his course at Whitehall before the court on the 26th of September,
1675, ventured to stigmatize the leading clergy who were known to
advocate sentiments of the new order, in a manner which wholly
transcended the usual restraints of a polemical diatribe, still more
those of a discourse from a Christian pulpit. Pointing almost by
name to the ablest and most exemplary of the metropolitan preach-
ers, he accuses them of systematically exalting the human intellect
above the authority of Scripture, " making reason, reason, reason,
the only Trinity, and impiously denying our Lord and his Holy
Spirit." Their preaching he denounces as mere morality and natural
divinity, as utterly excluding the distinctive truths of revelation, as flat
Arminianism, and as replete with the most pestilent doctrines of Pela-
gius, or the more recent heresies of Racow. He does not even shrink
from fastening upon them, almost personally, the epithet of Arians
or Socinians.
It is not sufficiently clear to what section of opinion in the church
Standish's own views are to be referred ; nor has much information
been brought to light concerning his personal career^. An epigram
y Burnet, i. 3-24. Compare Birch, p. 31.
' Standish had been fellow of Peterhouse, (Wood, iv. 747,) was presented by
bishop Wren to the rectory of Conington, May 2, 1664; (Baker, in MSS. Harl.
7042. fol. 201.) graduated M. A. the same year, and D.D. in 1680. (Cat.
Grad. Cant.)
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cv
of Dr. Duport's commemorates the fact of the three brothers,
Francis, John and David Standish having been ahke born at Peter-
borough, educated at Peterhouse, and graced with Peter's keys of order
and harmony, complimenting them upon their attainments in music
The name is in itself strongly suggestive of Puritan associations ;
and in his sermon John Standish reechoes unmistakably the well-
known cavils and denunciations hurled by Calvinists of the most
Antinomian type against "moral" and "rational" Christianity.
But for this, the panegyric of so staunch a champion of antique or-
thodoxy as the Greek professor might be taken to imply a connec-
tion with the theological bias of an earlier sera in Anglican history.
Standish is not known to have made any further contribution to
literature beyond the present isolated discourse, which was published
soon after its delivery, and gave rise to much animated discussion.
To Standish's intemperate and unreasonable attack, Patrick, who
probably felt himself aimed at in person, in company with his equally
prominent brethren of the liberal section, made reply in an anony-
mous letter, entitled " An Earnest Request to Mr. John Stan-
dish, OCCASIONED Br HIS SERMON AT WHITEHALL SePT. 26, 1675."
He therein challenges Standish to justify his rash and uncharitable
censure upon so many of his brethren in the same communion, and
calls upon him to substantiate his personal charges by bringing for-
ward the names of those whom he ventured thus unsparingly to
brand with the stigma of antichristian tenets.
Although, for reasons of his own, withholding his name, it seems
to have been far from Patrick's desire to preserve his incognito
wholly unpenetrated. Subscribing his pamphlet by the pseudonym
of " Patropolis," he suffered a clue to transpire in the first four let-
ters of his name, which, considering his eminent rank amongst the
parties under vilification, need not long have concealed the secret of
its authorship. Whether Standish was enabled through so trans-
parent a device to recognise his questioner, or not, no attempt was
made by him to support his accusations, or to mingle in the contro-
versy which they set in motion.
In the following spring an anonymous pamphlet was put forth in
reply to Patrick's letter, subscribed " by a person of quality," and
designated, " Truth unveiled in behalf of the church of England,
being a vindication of Mr. John Standish's sermon preached before
a Duport, Musse Subsecivas, p. 146.
cvi
EDlTOirS PREFACE.
the king, giving particular instances of such (amongst her perfect
sons) as have ventured upon innovations in her doctrines." It was
the production of Arthur Annesley, earl of Anglesey, lord privy seal,
a politician whose character has been very variously portrayed by
contemporary writers. By Anthony a Wood he is represented as a
statesman without principle, a trimmer and timeserver, a Calvinist
by profession, but from motives of policy a favourer of the papists^.
Burnet depicts him as one who was " neither loved nor trusted by
any man or any side," " who sold every thing that was in his power,
and sold himself so often that he grew useless ;" a tedious and un-
graceful speaker, but possessed of considerable talents for adminis-
tration, and deeply learned in the law. Combining the profession
of toryism with strong adherence to the protestant succession, he
with a few others now afterwards the party name of Hanover tories^.
His strong puritanical bias gained him an ascendancy among the
Calviuistic section of the low chuixh party, and the general
body of dissenters. In " Truth unveiled," which is not devoid
of ability, though grossly unfair both in statement and inference,
he takes up a position virtually, if not confessedly, external to the
church of England. The objections by which he seeks to expose
what he would represent as innovations in her religious doctrines,
are such as in reality apply not only to the standard teaching of her
greatest divines, but to the letter and spirit of her formularies them-
selves. On the matter of justification by faith, while supporting
himself in terms by the eleventh article of the church, he is careful
to ignore the correlative truths laid down in her liturgy, catechism,
and homilies. Few of her great authorities escape the imputation of
heterodoxy, even of the gravest kind. Against the illustrious au-
thor of the "Defensio Fidei Nicenae," and " Harmonia Apostolica,"
he reechoes the cavils which Gataker, Truman, and TuUy had pre-
ferred before^; and follows the cry of Eyre and Crandon, in detecting
the scent of Socinianism in the writings even of Baxter and the
less ultra presbyterians*!.
Patrick's rejoinder to Annesley received the title of Falsehood
Unmask'd, in answer to a book called Truth Unveiled, &c.
b Wood, Athen. Oxon. iv. 182, Burnet, i. 166, and Speaker Onslow's note
on the latter writer, v. 330.
<= Nelson, pp. iSa-^iS.
d Patrick has already remarked on this charge in hi.s Friendly Debate,
vol. vi. p. 173.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cvii
It contains a spirited vindication of the doctrine of the church upon
the several points impugned, and demonstrates that the teaching of
the writer's school, so far from being chargeable with novelty and
unsoundness, had the sanction of the most illustrious names in the
annals of the church ; and instead of leaning to any insidious com-
promise with heresy, afforded, in fact, in the right and judicious use
of the human intellect, the most consistent and stable ground for re-
pelling the perversions of reason, and the advances of Socinian error.
The tract was licensed for press Nov. 3, 1676.
Patrick was not the only divine in the ranks of the established
clergy who assumed the defence of their brethren aspersed by
Standish, Annesley, and others of the same party. Dr. Robert
Grove put forth anonymously, in the beginning of the year 1676,
"A Vindication of the conforming clergy from the unjust aspersions
of heresie, &c., in answer to some part of Mr. Jenkvn's funeral
sermon upon Dr. Seaman ; with short reflections on some passages
in a sermon preached by Mr. J. S. upon 2 Cor. v. 20: in a letter to
a friend." Another answer was " A Letter to the Author of the
Vindication of Mr. Standish's Sermon," by an anonymous hand.
Wood has fallen into the mistake, in which he has been generally
followed by the compilers of hbrary catalogues, of attributing Pa-
trick's second pamphlet. Falsehood Unmasked, to Grove^.
A Discourse about Tradition, &c.
The auspicious opportunity held out to the partizans of popery
by the restoration of a sovereign worse than indifferent to the cause
of the Reformation, and of a court in which the emissaries of Rome
enjoyed open countenance and patronage, naturally called forth the
energies of the leading clergy of the church of England for the orga-
nization of measures not infeinor in strenuousness or method for the
protection of the imperilled interests of scriptui-al tnith. Forward
among the names of those divines who, through the agency of the
pulpit and the press, set themselves to expose the errors of Roman-
ism, and to defeat the machinations of the Jesuit and other foreign
orders, that swarmed at Whitehall towards the close of Charles'
reign, under the auspices of the duke of York, was that of Symon
Patrick. ^ He had even taken, in September 1675, the bold step of
e Athen. Oxon, iv. 183.
cviii
EDITOR S PHEFACE.
ackli'cssing James himself, through the form of a personal appeal, in
which he ventm-ed to lay before that bigoted prince, Avho had not
yet oi>enly avowed his popish sentiments, a sober statement of the
arguments in behalf of the Anglican and Romish claims respectively ;
in the hope of retaining him in allegiance to the church of
England.
Instead of resenting his conduct as an act of presumptuous inter-
ference, James was apparently touched by Patrick's earnestness and
love of ti'uth, and Avas pleased to compliment him by causing his
name to be enrolled among the list of his chaplains 6. It must be
held a matter of regret, that so interesting a piece should have been
lost. Patrick speaks of his ha\ing caused the greater part of it to be
transcribed, with the design of appending it to his autobiography :
but unfortunately mo copy of the document has been transmitted
among his other MSS.
After his accession, James is said to have made repeated overtures
to Patrick, with a view to his reconciliation with the church of
Rome, but to have been met by the firm though respectful reply
that " he could not think of quitting a religion which was so well
proved as that of the church of England V The part played about
the same time by Patrick, in conjunction with Jane, in upholding
the protestant cause in the royal presence, against the Romish
champions, Gilford and Godwin, is well known, chiefly from his own
minute report of the proceedings^. He was also the first to put his
name to the resolution of the London clergy not to read the Decla-
ration of Indulgence
It is strange that Patrick, in writing his minute and careful me-
moir of his own life, should have omitted to mention his essay on
Tradition, the earliest of all his publications against popery, with the
exception of the revised translation of Grotius' treatise Be veritate
Christicmce religionis. The present discourse was first published in
a 4to pamphlet in the year 1683, and reprinted in 1685. It also
forms part of the first volume of the original folio edition of bishop
Gibson's Preservative against Popery, published in 1738, and of the
fifth of that edited for the Reformation Society, by the Rev. John
Gumming, D.D., pp. 245-280.
This tract aspires to be no more than a brief and popular summary
c Vol. ix. p. 502. f Biogr. Brit. Chalmers' Life of Patrick.
? Vol. ix. p. 491-501. h Macaulay, ii. 349.
EDITOR'S rilEFACE.
cix
of the general arguments against the popish abuse of cathohc tradi-
tion, which may be found stated more systematically, and at greater
length, as well as fortified by a more imposing array of authorities,
in the woi'ks of the great champions of the Eeformation, Jewel,
Chilling-worth, Stillingfleet, and Whitby. Patrick is careful, in the
first instance, to define with perspicuity and correctness the true
conception of tradition, and its legitimate use and value in sub-
ordination to the prime authority of Scripture ; as testifying to
the delivery and transmission of the written word, to the history
and settlement of the canon of revelation, to the doctrines derived
therefrom, and the forms of constitution developed in accordance
therewith by the chiu-ch in all ages.
The first part treats accordingly " of such traditions as we re-
ceive." In the second part, he proceeds to point out on the con-
trary " what traditions are to be rejected disting-uishing the really
catholic and unvarying traditions of antiquity, from the sui)posititious,
apocryphal, and comparatively local or recent impressions of a le-
gendary kind, to which the policy of Eome has given her sanction
as a prescriptive basis for her additions to primitive faith and usage.
Like all Patrick's writings on the same controversy, it is conspicuous
for fairness and moderation of statement ; as well as for a sobriety of
language, such as could give just cause of offence to no candid and
honourable opponent, however decided in his convictions, or suscep-
tible in his feelings.
Search the Scriptures, &c.
Having, in the foregoing treatise, on Tradition, established the
doctrine that all things necessary to be believed and practised in
order to salvation are expressly contained in Holy Scripture,
Patrick proceeds in the present treatise, which he designed as a
supplement to the other, to refute the common fallacy by which the
church of Rome justifies her denial to the laity of the right to read
freely the whole Word of God. It is mainly devoted to the discus-
sion of the scriptural argument, which has been drawn, in defence of
that restriction, from the language of St. Peter in sjieaking of the
Pauline epistles ; in which, he says, are some things hard to he under-
stood, which tliey tiiat are unlearned and unstable wrest, as they do also
the ollm- Scriptures, unto their ovm destruction. Such, it has thence
cx ' EDITOR'S PREFACE.
been argued by the papal advocates, " are the difficulties and obscu-
rities of the Holy Scriptures, that they ought not to be thought
profitable for all people, but rather hurtful to them that are igno-
rant : who therefore ought not to read them."
Patrick's reply to this plea is of a simple and popular character,
but marked by excellent judgment and sound sense, expressed in
the most temperate terms. His discoiu'se falls into three parts, in
which he establishes in succession the three foUomng propositions : —
I. " That these words of St. Peter are so far fi-om containing a
reason why the people should not read them, that, first, they evi-
dently suppose the common people, even the unlearned among them,
did in those days read the Scriptures : else they could not have
wrested them, as the apostle says they did, and complains of that,
but not of their reading them ; and,
II. " Secondly, these words do not affii-m the whole Scripture to
be hard to be understood, but only some jjart of it ; St. Paul's
Epistles at the most, or rather the things of which St. Peter had
been treating ; and not all of them neither, but only some things,
hvavor^Ta Tiva, some few things which would requu-e pains and dili-
gent attention of mind to comprehend the meaning of them : and,
III. " Thirdly, the apostle doth not say that all who read those
difficult passages are in danger to wrest them, but only the un-
learned and unstable, who abuse the plainest tniths to their own
ruin. As for others, they may read even the hardest places in St.
Paul's Epistles safely enough, nay, receive great profit fi-om thence,
as well as from other Scriptiures ; and they who west them are not
to leave the reading them, but to grow in true Christian knowledge,
and in stability of mind."
This little treatise was the first that was wi'itten against Romish
principles after the accession to the throne of a prince who had un-
disguisedly, and with the utmost zeal, espoused those sentiments. It
was undertaken immediately after the death of king Charles, having
been begun, March ii, 1685'. This is in itself no slight trait of the
writer's firmness and decision of principle. As it was, it attracted
the notice of the king's censor of the press, L'Estrange, by whom its
publication was suspended for a time. It appears that the com-t was
umvilling that any reply should be made to the arguments lately
' Vol. ix. p. 484
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxi
advanced by Barnes the Benedictine monk against the free use of the
Scriptures. On Patrick's assurance that no reference was intended
to father Barnes' work, Search the Scriptures had permission to
come forth. It formed a small i2mo volume, dated 1685, and has
been since reprinted, in company with the treatise on Tradition, in
the successive editions of the Preservative against Popery.
A Sermon on St. Peter's Day, &c.
This sermon, originally preached on St. Peter's Day, June 29, 1686,
having been, at the request of some who heard it, printed " with some
enlargements," so as to invest it with the form of a controversial trea-
tise, has been inserted in this place, rather than among the author's
discourses from the pulpit. It contains a sober and sensible conside-
ration of the text (Matt. xvi. 1 8) which is most prominently adduced
in defence of the supposed primacy of order conferred upon St. Peter
among the twelve apostles, and of the claim founded thereon on be-
half of the pope to supremacy over the universal chm'ch of Christ.
The first part treats of the occasion on which the Saviour's words to
Peter were spoken : the second of the purport of the word Rock, and
its application to Peter in particular, or to the faith which he pro-
fessed : in the third the general inferences are summed up against
the papal autocracy, supported by a catena of authorities from pa-
ti'istic sources and ecclesiastical history, as well as the more mode-
rate writers within the communion of Rome itself.
The Texts examined which Papists cite out of the Bible
TO prove the supremacy of St. Peter and of the Pope
OVER THE whole ChURCH.
A collection of tracts by leading members of the metropolitan
clergy, in refutation of the papal pretensions, was published by
Chiswell in 1688 in a quarto volume, comprising nine separate
tracts, and having prefixed an introduction from the pen of Tcnison,
" Popery not founded on Scripture, or the texts which PajMsts cite
out of the Bible for the proof of the points of their religion exa-
mined : and shewed to be alleged without ground."
The series was not accompanied by the names of the respective
cxii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
writers, but they were for the most part to be recognized by the aid
of common report, or were subsequently acknowledged by their au-
thors. Patrick's share, though not distinctly alluded to in his Auto-
biography, is placed by independent evidence beyond all possibility
of doubt.
Patrick's continbution, consisting of two parts, related to those
passages of Holy Scriptm-e which were popularly put forward by
the advocates of Piome, to substantiate the fiction of St. Peter's su-
premacy over the imiversal church, and of the popes as his perpetual
successors in that supposed primacy.
Anthony Wood has been led into the error of assigning Patrick's
portion of the argument to Dr. John Williams, whose actual share
related to the texts concerning the insufficiency of Scripture and ne-
cessity of tradition, — Athen. Oxon. iv. 772. He has been coirected
in this misrepresentation by Gee, in the Catalogue of Discom-ses for
and against Popery, p. 207. Cont. p. 76; followed by Peck, p. 47.
The Secoxd Xote of the Church examixed,
viz. axtiquity.
Another united effort, mainly on the part of the same body of metro-
politan clergy, towards the refutation of the papal claims, consisted of
a series of short critical papers, in which the eighteen notes laid
down by Bellarmine, as characteristics of the true Chmx-h of Chi-ist,
were severally reviewed, and the arguments refuted whereby he pre-
tended to identify those essential signs of catholicity with the see of
Eome exclusively. This voliune, published in 4to by Chiswell in
1688, comprised a corresponding number of treatises under the
common title, " The Notes of the Church, as laid down by Cardinal
Bellarmiu, examined and confuted."
The Second Xote, Antiquity, fell to Patrick's share His argu-
ment upon it was composed in the spring of 1687, the imprimatwr of
Bancroft's chaplain, Battely, bearing date April 5, in that year. It
is but brief, extending to no more than a dozen pages ; yet rebuts
ably the spurious plea of antiquity, as put forth in defence of the
modem conniptions of Eome, and establishes Avith conciseness and
force the three follo-\ving propositions : —
See vol. ix. p. 490.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxiii
1 . " That the plea of bare antiquity is not proper to the church,
but common to it with other societies of false religion.
2. " That true antiquity is not on the side of the present Roman
church. But,
3. " That it is on ours."
Some animadversions having been made upon Patrick's tract by
an anonymous Romish wi'iter, in " Advice to the Confuter of Bellar-
mine, with some considerations upon the Antiquity of the Church of
England," a rejoinder was put forth by Dr. Tully, entitled " A De-
fence of the Confuter of Bellarmin's Second Note of the Church,
Antiquity, against the cavils of the Adviser." Tully's pamphlet was
licensed May 31, 1687'.
The Pillar and Ground of Truth.
This treatise, also written early in the year 1687, and licensed for
publication by the primate's chaplain. May 9, is the most finished and
systematic of Patrick's anti-Roman compositions.
In confutation of the Romish argument commonly based upon
St. Paul's description of the Church of ilie, living God (i Tim. iii. 15).
Patrick considers at length,
1. " What that truth is of which the Church, or Timothy, or both,
were the pilla/r cmd ground.
2. " What it is to be a pillwr imd ground of truth.
3. " Who it is to whom this office and honour belongs, of being
the filla/r cmd grownd of the truth; or what we mean when we say,
the chwrch is intrusted therewith.
4. " How it discharges that office."
Under the first head he demonstrates that the truth spoken of lay
in those essential and fundamental verities which were comprised in
the Apostles' Creed, and further defined, although not properly speak-
ing added to, in the Nicene and Athanasian fonnulas : from whence
" it necessarily follows that no man can justly be called a heretic who
heartily embraces and steadfastly holds to this faith."
The second part makes it clear, from the general analogy of scrip-
' Peck's Catalogue, p. 46.
h
CXIV
EDITOR^S PREFACE.
tural language, and an extensive collation of patristic passages, that
the property here attributed to the church of God is distinctive of
the entire body of the church universal, and every particular portion
of that body corporate which faithfully retains those fundamental
articles of the truth. It is in consequence no mere differentia, whereby
the chm-ch of Rome or any other individual branch is isolated fi-om
the catholic stem. " The church keeps the tinith, and keeps it up :
it is the conservator of it, and presel•^-es it from falling to the
gi-ound : it proclaims it, and holds it forth to others : it continues
the ti-uth in the world, and settles it in men's minds : but itself is
built upon this tnith, not the truth upon it." " Every particular
church therefore is a pillar and ground of the truth, one as well and
as much as another "a." Nay, indiA^dual members of the chm-ch,
apostles, martyi-s, saints, eminent pastors and doctors are shown to
be fitly entitled to the same honourable designation.
The thu-d part treats of the mode in which the chm-ch discharges
its high function as a pillar' and ground of the truth. Its authority,
relatively to that of the Holy Scnptures, is defined yvith clearness
and precision. " God hath ajjpoiutcd outward means for the con-
veying divine truth to our belief, and this means is ordinarily the
church : to which we ascribe these two great thinos in this business.
First, the office of a witness, testif)-ing the authority of Holy Scrip-
ture to us : secondly, of an instrument in God's hand to lead us into
the understanding of the Scriptures, and by its ministry in preach-
ing and expounding them to beget a divine faith in us "." It hath
therefore " not a sovereign, absolute, prophetical authority inde-
pendent upon the rule of the Holy Scriptures, so that we must take
whatsoever it saith for true without consulting them ;" it hath " no
authority to propoimd any doctrine as necessary to salvation, which
is not delivered in the Holy Scriptures, but depends solely on the
authority of its own tradition"."
With respect to the infallibity of the chm-ch, or its inability to
lapse fi-om tlie truth, — " if by the church, indeed, they would under-
stand the church truly catholic, the whole body of Christ in all times,
places and ages ; and if by matters of faith they would understand
those gi-and articles which I have mentioned in the first part of this
discourse ; and if by being infallible they would understand, not an
absolute impossibility of erring, (which human nature is not capable
m Pp. 133, 137. n P. ,57. o P. 160.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxv
of,) but not actual error ; there are none of us make any question
but the chui-ch is infallible. That is, the whole church hath not
erred, nor shall err in the whole faith, or in any necessary part
thereof : for such error would cut men off fi-om Christ the head, and
so leave him no church at all. It hath been the very scope of my
first discourse to show that the church hath always kept the great
fundamental truths of our religion, and not erred in them, but
transmitted them down to us whole and undefiled : till the church
of Eome in the council of Trent corrupted the faith by their errors
which they have mixed with it. For to a particular church, such as
that of Rome is, we cannot allow this privilege of not erring ; be-
cause we know they have erred, even in fundamental truths, and
thereby ceased to be churches. Witness those glorious churches to
which Christ himself sent his letters by St. John the Apostle P."
From the same premises it is seen to follow, finally, " that this
church in which we are is certainly as much a pilla/r and ground of
truth as any other ; nay, more than many other churches. That is,
we hold, and assert and maintain, all those things which have always
been and are confessed by all Christians : the true, ancient, catholic
and apostolic faith, and the Holy Scrijitures, wherein this faith is
originally contained. And if we know any thing else to be the mind
of God, delivered to us from Clu'ist and his apostles, by the universal
church, we are prepared to receive it ; and, did it appear, would im-
mediately embrace and jjropagate it. But the universal church, as
I have shown, hath declared this to be sufficient, nay, full and per-
fect : and moreover, forbidden any other faith to be either composed
or offered to those who would become Chi'istiansl."
An Answer to the Touchstone of the Reformed
Gospel.
In a note on the preface to this work (vol. vii. p. 183), some ac-
count will be found of the little Romish treatise which gave occasion
to Patrick's reply.
The "Gagge of the Reformed Gospel," attributed to Kellison,
first appeared in 1623. Having been exposed and refuted in 1625,
p P. i6i. 4 P. 168.
h 2
cxvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
by Mountagu and Bernard, little more was heard of it, until it came
forth once more in 1667, under a new title, and with a few varia-
tions in contents and ai-raugement, as the " Touchstone of the Ee-
formed Gospel." More than one edition was circulated, a second
coming out in 8vo in 1675, another in i2mo in 1677, and "the
last edition more correct" in 1685.
Allusion has been made in the same note to the erroneous hypo-
thesis of Strype, in attempting to identify the Touchstone ^vith the
still earlier publication of a well known Romish champion, Bristow's
Motives, published as early as 1574, to which answers were written
by Fulke and Oliver Carter.
Loose and uncritical as it was in argument, and throughout false
and unscrupulous in statement and citation, the Touchstone was able
by its boldness and confidence of tone to make a considerable sensation
at a time of active controversy. On its first appearance under that
title in 1667, the challenge was taken up by an anonymous hand in
" Touchstone Proof, and the Touchstone itself tried by the test and
balance of the sanctutry ; or the Pi'otestaut's reply to a scandalous,
pernicious, popish pamphlet, entituled The Touchstone of the Re-
formed Gospel, ' the last edition,' as it is there distributed into 52
heads, and points (so called) ; but here dashed into at least an 100
pieces, wi-itten forth by T. W." It is dedicated " to the virtuous
Gent. Mi's. J. L " by whom the " charges and objections" which
are here answered were " first produced to him in her house, being
lent to her as a choice convincing piece by some Roman catholick
neighbom's." Tlie author states that he was " procured by the same
lady within a short space a sight and short survey of the printed
pamjjhlet itself," and was induced to publish his reply by her
remark, " that it was not fit so dangerous a book should walk
about ith' world without controll or answer."
An epistle dedicatory prefixed to the reply of T. W. is dated Jan.
22, 1666(1667.) "^'i^ preface is addressed "to the simple honest
reader, whom the sequel especially concerneth ; and nevertheless to
the knowing-worthy knight Sir C. T. of T., and to all other noble,
ingenuous, and ingenious persons that are or would be members of
the true catholick church of Christ, grace, mercy and peace is sin-
cerely wished." The several heads of the Touchstone are answered
seriatim, chiefly by counter texts, and with the utmost conciseness,
the whole not extending to more than sixteen pages in length.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
CXVII
Patrick's Answer is more lengthy and elaborate, and his exposure
of its sophisms and inaccuracies move complete and crushing. He
reviews his opponent's positions one by one, and subjects his cita-
tions, first fi'om ecclesiastical sources, then from the inspired text, to
careful though temperate ci'iticism. The common difficulty is
throughout apparent, which attended all theological controversy
doAvn to that date, in the want of an authentic text, to which appeal
could be made, on reference to the patristic wi'itings. Few critical
editions of the fathers had as yet been given to the world, and those
of the Greek church in particular were still largely quoted through
the medium of Latin versions alone. The third rate emissaries
whom the church of Rome ordinarily sent forth from Doway or St.
Omer's, or even the capital of the papacy itself, for the reduction of
the strongholds of protestant learning and orthodoxy in this country,
were but meanly equipped with the weapons of Hellenistic scholar-
ship. Even their great armoury in the pages of Bellarmine supplied
them with little more than Latin texts, a great proportion of which,
if not designedly and studiously falsified, were liable under the
slightest application of a critical touchstone to be cast aside as spu-
rious or irrelevant. A large proitortion of the passages on which
Patrick is here at issue with his opponent turn ultimately upon this
point ; and the controversial value of his labours is unavoidably di-
minished to later readers, in proportion as the early and medieval
literature of Christianity has since been placed on a footing of com-
parative exactness and authenticity, whither at least scholars of either
side may agi-ee to refer their differences. To the communion of
Rome herself, through the labours of the great Benedictine order, is
the modern world not a little indebted for the means of more critically
sifting the materials for theological judgment.
It will not be denied that Patrick has made a judicious and tem-
perate use of the means at his command, in order to counteract the
feeble sophisms and misrejiresentations of the Popish " Touchstone."
Its several sections are taken seriatim, and the ti'ue doctrine of the
church of England stated with reference to each in plain and popu-
lar terms.
Neither of the two remaining works of this polemical series calls
for vei-y particular or detailed notice. To reprint Patrick's transla-
tion of the six books of Grotius, Be VerikUe Reliyionis Christiana',
has been thought superfluous. His own supplementary chapter, ap-
cxvni
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
peuded in the form of a seventh book, has alone been induded.
Patrick's undertaking was not to provide a new translation of that
valuable treatise ; but simply to revise that which had been put forth
anonymously in this countiy nearly fifty years before. So numerous,
however, were its blunders in scholarship, or misapprehensions of the
original, that his task became tautaniount to an entirely fresh ver-
sion. In the seventh book, carrpng on the arguments of Grotius in
closer application to the requirements of the age and country, he
aimed at establishing — that the divisions among Christians in no
way affected the proof of the authenticity and divine origin of the
religion itself ; — that the chiu-cli of Eome in particular must not be
taken by her perversions and additions to the faith, must not be held
to have compromised the character of the Gospel itself, or be allowed
to speak ■\^•ith the authority of the whole Christian body; — that
" Christian religion hath suffered very much by the church of Rome :
and that we need not go thither to be assured of tlie ti-uth of that
religion, but shall be ])etter informed in our own church by the
Holy Scriptures and such works as these''." In conclusion, he briefly
adverts to the possibility of a reconciliation with Rome, is disposed
to adopt the general propositions drawn up hy Erasmus as early as
the year 1 5 1 9, with the view of stajnng the progi-ess of disintegra-
tion in the Western church.
The tAvo short fragments Ox Schism formed part of a series of
papers written at the request of the Countess of Lindsay, towards
the end of the year 1685. Patrick had long known that lady, in all
probability as a parishioner ; and now, at the instigation of a female
acquaintance, who reported her to be wavering in her religion, made
strenuous attempts to confirm her in allegiance to the church of
England. On five separate occasions he provided her with written
statements in reply to the objections which her Romish advisers had
put into her mouth'. The lady's mind seems from the first to have
been made up in an adverse sense ; for, after fencing feebly awhile
with the dissuasives he had iutei-posed, she had recourse to a secret
reconciliation with the church of Rome on St. Paul's Day, (Jan. 25,
' Vol. vii. p. 349.
• Vol. ix. p. 501. The present case must not be confounded with the earlier
conversion of lady Ann Lindsay, recorded by Baxter, (Letter, Dec. i, 1660.
Reliq. part i. p. 219-228.) The latter lady was of a wholly distinct family,
the daughter of Alexander first earl of Balcarres. — See Lives of the Lindsays,
ii. 115.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxix
1686.) Tliese two portions of the series have alone been preserved,
having, by some channel which cannot now be traced, found their way
into the collection of MSS. formed by bishop Barlow, and deposited,
after the latter 's death, in the library of Queen's College, Oxford.
Sermons.
It was probably as a preacher that this eminent divine succeeded
in making himself most revered by his contemporaries, and through
the medium of his pulpit oratory that he was able to exei'cise the
most powerful and extended influeuce. " Patrick," writes Burnet,
himself no mean authority, or contemptible rival in the same de-
partment, " was a great preacher'." In the diary of Henry Sidney,
a man of religious habits, and one of the most refined and cultivated
gentlemen of his day, he is described in identical terms as " a great
preacher, and a man of an eminently shining life, who will be a great
ornament to the episcopal order"." Dunton, the eccentric, but
shrewd and observant bookseller, records his most popular appella-
tive to have been that of " the preaching bishop"." Filling for the
important period between the Bartholomew act and the revolution
the most prominent and influential of the parochial pulpits of the
metropolis, with perhaps the single exception of St. Martin's in the
Fields, and after his elevation to the episcopal bench so indefatigable
in that clio^^en branch of his calling as scarcely to have let a week
elapse to the day of his decease that he did not deliver one sermon
at the least, his celebrity was upheld to the end in the estimation
of the public as one of the most learned, graceful, and impressive
orators of the time. Evelyn and other well qualified judges have
placed on record their testimony to the attraction and the power
which his discourses exercised upon themselves, as well as to the
crowds that flocked to his ministrations, and the reverence with
which the most educated and fastidious congregations listened to
his voice.
Without aspiring to be models of eloquence in the proper sense
of the word, Patrick's published discourses present sufficient of the
qualities which best commend the appeals of a Christian teacher
to explain the fact of his acknowledged impressiveness and popu-
' Burnet, i. 326. u Sidney's Diary, ii. 282.
» Life .and errors of .lohn Dunton, p. 362.
cxx
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
laritv. In point of style they raay be classed most nearly with
those of Tillotson, as occupying a middle place between the severe
and somewhat pedantic classsicality of the age that preceded theirs,
and the freedom, simplicity, and ease aimed at in the modern pulpit.
Grave, earnest, and scriptural in substance, plain and perspicuous
in language, the per\-ading desire of their author is not to leave his
audience impressed with admiration for the man, but full of the
divine message which he preached, with minds enlarged, affections
purified, and wills subdued. Thev set forth with clearness, and often
with force and beauty, the truths of Christian faith, and the motives
to Christian holiness. It is not often indeed that discourses of any
kind, whether from the tribune or the pulpit, justify to the critical
judgment of a later day the verdict of applause which g)-eeted their
first delivery, any more than what are now held masterpieces of
oratorical skill were successful in rivetting and mastering the minds
of their first hearers. Imagination itself is unequal to the task of
restoring in any competent degree those several elements of power
which the written page necessarily fails to transmit, but which,
beyond even the utmost force of words, wield an ascendancy and a
fascination over a living auditory ; — the charm of voice and manner ;
the moral sway of fervour, graciousness and zeal ; the atmosphere
of sincerity and faith which is breathed in every utterance of the
lips, and, more than all mere eloquence of phrase, commends the
preacher's message to the heart. Lost too are the many subtle and
indefinable shades of meaning which connected his language with
themes of the hour ; with modes of thought, conflicts of spirit, reli-
gious animosities, personal hopes and fears, most real to the first
hearers, but. now in great measure passed out of living knowledge.
The spark of sympathy struck out by contact with the wants, ideas,
and feelings of a remote age, is not readily elicited in answer to
those of another.
If Patrick's discourses omit to manifest some of the varied and
complex elements which unite to qualify the perfect preacher, or
even in some respects fall short of actual models which have come
down from his own or other ages of the church, thev will notwith-
standing retain interest and edification for the reader who looks for
solid and serious rather than specious and brilliant fruits. Too few,
unfortunately, have been handed down for an accurate opinion to be
formed of his ordinary manner of dealing with the sacred topics of
the pulpit. The great majority relate to events and occasions of a
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
CXXl
public or political kind, such as were least calculated to elicit the
powers, or give scope to the aspirations of a mind more especially
alive to spiritual truth in its inner or contemplative aspect, and fitted
to direct and edify the soul of the individual Christian, rather than
to guide and control the action of the multitude. Scarcely any ex-
hibit him as he habitually bent his earnest powers to unfold the
great doctrines of the Gospel, to preach Christ in his person and
operations, to awaken sinners, to sustain the penitent, to console the
mourner, to confirm the wavering, or to abash the infidel. The
ablest and most characteristic of the series are unquestionably the
earliest in point of date ; reflecting the fresh vigour of his youthful
powers, unsubdued as yet by the cares and burdens of his maturer
years. The chronological order in which they are here presented
will enable this contrast to be the more clearly noted. First in
point of date is his university sermon, " The Hypocritical Nation de-
scribed," afterwards expanded into the treatise called Jewish Ht-
pocRisy. To this succeed three discourses preached at the funerals
of friends, foremost among whom occurs the name of his beloved
tutor and father in the faith, the gifted and early-lost John Smith,
of whom he never speaks without terms of reverence and endear-
ment, as 6 Trdw (laKapiTrjs, and whose noble intellect and generous
Christian faith had been largely transfused into his own mental con-
stitution. Nothing can be more affectionate and pathetic than the
strain in which he descants upon the loss to the church, and his own
j)ersonal sorrow, in the premature death of one so promising as a
teacher, and so bright as an example. The other two sermons
of the same class, while setting forth with vigour and grace the
grounds of consolation and hope under the bereavement of those
who sleep in Christ, and asserting with the triumph of personal con-
viction the Christian's mastery over the grave, fall short of the first
in tenderness of expression and warmth of filial regard.
The several occasions on which the detached sermons following
were preached have in each instance been specified in the notes.
The whole of those published in his lifetime are comprised within
part of the seventh and eighth volumes. Two only, in addition, out
of the multitude he is known to have left behind, have been re-
covered in manuscript, and are now printed for the first time, in
order of their date, from the originals in the bishop's handwriting
preserved in the Lambeth library. They are entitled " One Media-
cxxii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
tor, one Sacrifice," and appear to have been destined for publication,
bearing the imprimatur of archbishop Sancroft's chaplain, though for
some unknown reason never committed to the press
These sermons are followed by four episcopal charges addressed
to the clergy of the diocese of Ely, published at successive visitations,
and in 1704 collected into a lamo volume, under a common title
as " Discourses upon the Duties of the Ministry."
The ninth volume opens with fifteen posthumous sermons on
Contentment and Resignation to the will of God. These discourses
were composed prior to the author's marriage, and transcribed by
himself for presentation to Penelope Jephson, his future wife, at a
time when she was harassed by scruples arising out of her incon-
siderate vow of celibacy, and unwilling to listen to Patrick's suity.
They were treasured up by her to the close of his life, and twelve
years later given under her express sanction to the public. Limiting
himself as he has done in this series to a single theme, it will be
thought more surprising that he should have succeeded in setting
it in so many solemn and striking lights, and enforcing it by such
various and happy illustrations, than that he should have failed to
propound any very novel or original theory of that special phase of
Christian duty, or to travel beyond the plainest and most simple pre-
cepts for producing the temper of pious contentment and holy calm.
In their prevailing tone they reflect much of the gentle quietism and
contemplative piety of Hearts' Ease and the Parable of the Pilgrim.
A sequel to the series is formed bv two discourses on the Minis-
trations of Angels, preached on Michaelmas day, 1672, in which
the scriptural intimations of that lofty and mysterious theme are
reviewed with judgment and reverence in connection with their text.
Matt, xviii. 10, and elucidated by the aids of oriental and patristic
learning. The nature and conditions of angelic being, its relation
to personal life and action, and the functions allotted to such spi-
ritual agents as part of God's special providence towards mankind,
are severally traced in the course of the argument, which is, in fine,
brought to bear with much impressiveuess and solemnity upon the
personal faith and duties of the hearer.
These sermons are succeeded by Prayers upon certain oc-
casions connected with the political crisis of the revolution. The
entire series issued by the author during that period of excitement
Vol. ix. p. 463.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
CXXUl
extended to five in number. From the circumstance of tlieir not
bearing the writer's name, added to the scarcity of copies, great dif-
ficulty was experienced in recovering some of their number. The
fourth in order of the series had in consequence to be omitted
from its proper place, no impression having been met with at the
time of going to press. One having since that time been discovered
in the library of Sion college, the prayer is inserted here. Its title
and general jjurport indicate clearly enough the juncture of public
affairs to which it was intended to apply.
A Prayer for perfecting our late deliverance by
THE HAPFY success OF THEIR MaJESTIEs' FORCES
BY SEA AND LAND.
" O most mighty Lord, who sittest in the throne judging right, and
ministerest judgment to the people in righteousness : who hast promised
to be a refuge for the oppressed, a refuge in times of trouble ; we most
humbly fall down before thy Majesty to beseech thee to appear at this
time in the behalf of these three kinn;doms, to maintain our right and our
cause against those who seek to destroy us.
Our sins, we acknowledge, may justly provoke thee to deliver us up
into their cruel hands, because we have been unthankful for many in-
estimable blessings, particularly the late wonderful deliverance thou hast
wrought for us, as we have been incorrigible under our former distresses,
and all the punishments thou hast inilicted on us.
But the more unworthy we are, the more will thy mercy be magnified
in our salvation. And therefore, not unto us, 0 Lord, not unto us j but
unto thy name give glory : for thy mercy, and for thy truth's sake. Save
us, for the sake of thy holy religion, which in a marvellous manner hath
been both planted and preserved in these kingdoms : for the sake of
many of thy faithful servants among us, who are afraid of thy judgments,
and lay to heart thy mercies, and bewail our foul ingratitude, and earnestly
desire to see sincere piety flourish everywhere.
Hear their prayer, O Lord, and let their cry come unto thee. Par-
don their former uncharitableness one towards another, that it may not
hinder the blessings they desire. And give us grace, for the time to
come, to live in love and peace, and to seek the good of one another.
Thou hast been our he/per ; leave us not, neither forsake us, 0 God of
our salvation. But, as thou hast fulfilled our petitions and granted our
hearts' desire, in blasting all the designs of our enemies in this kingdom,
so we beseech thee still to confound and turn them backward that labour
to regain their power to do us evil. Make them still as the grass on the
housetop, which vnthereth before il he groirn up. Whatsoever mischief
CXXIV
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
they project or attempt, let not their hand be able to perform their
enterprise.
Suffer not that glorious work (which thy goodness hath begun) to mis-
carry by our frowardness and folly : but strengthen, 0 God, and stablish
that which thou hast wrought for us, and carry it on to perfection by thy
own Almighty arm, which hath been stretched out against those who went
about to subvert our laws, liberties, and religion. As thou hast beaten
down all arbitrary and antichristian power among us in a most remark-
able manner, so never suffer it to rise up again ; but proceed, O Most
Mighty, to crush it everywhere else, till it be utterly suppressed.
And, for that end, we beseech thee to unite all our hearts in such sin-
cere affection and right understanding, that we may be in a condition not
only to defend ourselves, but to help other reformed churches that are or
may be in danger. Discover to every one among us their errors, root out
their false principles, satisfy all their doubts and scniples, remove their
prejudices, open their eyes to see the things which belong to our peace :
that we may be disposed with one mind and one mouth to glorify thy
name for rescuing us from popery and arbitrary power, and to join our
fruitful endeavours for the support of his authority who was the blessed
instrument of that deliverance.
Establish the throne of our sovereign lord and lady, king William and
queen Mary, and let them all be put to shame who set themselves to
overthrow it. Protect their royal persons ; prolong their days ; direct
their counsels ; make their forces by sea and land victorious ; crown them
with all personal and princely virtues : and then crown those virtues with
such prosperous successes in all their enterprises, that the world may see
in them the love thou bearest to righteous and pious rulers.
Particularly we beseech thee to succeed their endeavours for the de-
liverance of our brethren in Ireland, whom thou hast suffered to fall
under that power from which thy merciful Providence hath rescued us.
Make haste, 0 Lord, to help them, by sending timely succours for their
relief, and accompanying them with thy blessing. Make the winds and
the seas favourable to them, and when thou hast transported them thither
and given them a safe landing there, strike a terror into all their opposers,
that they may not be able to stand before them. Make us all sensible
that whatsoever preparations are made against the day of battle, safety is
of thee, O Lord; that so we may not trust to our own strength or wisdom,
but call continually unto thee, the Most High, who shall perform the cause
which we have in hand.
For whensoever we call upon thee, faithfully, then shall our enemies be
put to flight J this we know, for God is on our side.
O be thou our help in trouble, for vain is the help of man.
Through thee we shall do great acts, for it is thou that shalt tread down
our enemies.
Be thou exalted in thy own strength ; so shall we sing and praise thy
power.
And bless, we also beseech thee, the forces that are now confederate
EDITOR'S PREFACE. cxxv
against him who hath dealt perfidiously with all his neighbours, and most
grievously afflicted them a long time with injurious wars. Favour their
righteous cause with such success that they may humble him, and lay
him low, that he may not be able to trouble the world any more. Hear
the complaint of those oppressed people, who cry unto thee, saying, 0 God
to whom vengeance belongeth, 0 God to whom vengeance belongeth, shew
thyself.
Lift up thyself, thou Judge of the earth, and render a reward to the
■proud.
Arise, 0 Lord, lift up thy hand, forget not the poor, let not their expect-
ation perish for ever.
Let not their haughty oppression have the upper hand j but let them be
judged in thy sight.
Put them in fear, 0 Lord, that they may know themselves to be but men.
So will we praise thee for ever, because thou hast done it.
We will sing of thy power, and of thy mercy, because thou hast been our
defence and refuge in the day of our trouble.
Unto thee, 0 our strength, will we sing : for God is our defence, and the
God of our mercy : through Christ Jesus. To whom, &c.
Finis.
Licensed, July 15, 1689.
The Articles presented to the churchwardens and sworn men of
the diocese of Chichester at the bishop's primary visitation in 1690,
naturally called for insertion. Those issued at his subsequent inqui-
sitions of the see of Ely in 1692, 1695, and 1698, though separately
printed, are so nearly identical with the first, and with each other, a
few clauses only presentinjj points of verbal difference, that to reprint
the whole would be obviously a matter of supererogation.
The bishop's two letters to his clergy of each diocese, in lieu of a
more formal charge, and the liturgical Form drawn up by him for
the consecration of the chapel of St. Catherine's hall, Cambridge, on
Sept. I, I 704, complete the series of his writings in prose.
Poems upon Divine and Moral subjects.
No productions of a poetical or metrical character were given to
the public from the author's pen during his lifetime. Though well
known, in his more private circle, to possess the same talent as his
brother for composition in verse, especially on themes of religion, he
seems to have shrunk from submitting his occasional effusions of that
kind to the judgment of the world at large. It was not till twelve
years after his decease, that any portion of them appeared in print.
His widow and grandson being then alive, it was in all probability
cxxvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
by their sanction that they were then suffered to come forth. In
the year 1719, a volume appeared under the title of" Poems upon
divine and moral subjects, originals and translations, by Symon
Patrick, late lord bishop of Ely, and other eminent hands."
The pieces to which Patrick's name is attached have been ex-
tracted from that collection, added to which are translations of the
fifteenth, twenty-eighth, and thirtieth Psalms, and of the Te Deura,
now printed for the first time, from the originals, still extant among
the author's papers, in his own handwriting.
With one exception, that of the ode or prayer, " On a prospect of
the university from the top of an hill ," these composures are
limited to versions from difi'erent sources, principally the Latin
hymns of Ambrose and Prudentius. As translations they are not
only faithful to the letter, but possess the far higher merit of reflect-
ing the genuine spirit and life of their originals. They will be seen
to have caught much of the devotional warmth and poetic temper, as
well as the metrical harmony of those great Christian lyrists of the
early church, and to charm the heart by the purity, depth, and ten-
derness of their religious tone, no less than the ear by tlie musical
rythm of their periods. The extreme rarity of the volume of which
tiiey form part has been doubtless the means of these pieces having
hitherto held a less prominent place among the poetic literature of
their age than their intrinsic merit entitled them to take. There
was not perhaps much either in the external characteristics or the
general mental tone of that age, to foster or inspire a taste for the
higher branches of poetic culture : nor is an era crowned by the
laureateship of Nahum Tate calculated to suggest any very exalted
standard of its critical intuitions. Yet in these scanty and insulated
fragments we may discern traces of powers, which might have won
for their possessor not only an additional title to the respect and
love of his generation, but a permanent name in the literature of
Christian minstrelsy. If among these simple pieces an occasional
line or phrase is liable to be marked as bald, frigid, or inelegant,
bespeaking the absence of the writer's correcting and discriminating
hand, it must be remembered under what circumstances of disad-
vantage they now appear. Traits of true poetic feeling, and deep
penetration with the Spirit of God, will engage the candid reader to
a sympathy with their modest beauties, through which even more
serious and fatal blemishes might well seem venial and light.
' Vol. ix. p. 394.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxxvu
AUTOBIOGRAPHY.
This graphic and deeply interesting memoir was drawn up by the
author in his dedining years, aided by the diary which he continued
to keep with the utmost punctuality from an early period of his life
to the very day of his decease. The original manuscript appears to
have been entrusted by his family, at a considerable interval after
the bishop's death, to the care of Samuel Knight, archdeacon of
Berks, who had himself undertaken to compile a biography of Pa-
trick. So fully did it coinprise all the ascertainable particulars of
the writer's history, that Knight was content to do little more than
transcribe its very language, merely substituting the third person for
the first, and appending at the close a brief portraiture of the la-
mented prelate's character, derived in part from personal recollec-
tions of his own, in part from the testimony of other informants.
Fc5r some unknown reason the work was never committed to the
press during the archdeacon's lifetime. On his death, Dec. lo, 1746,
at the age of seventy-two, it passed, together with Patrick's own
manuscript life and other miscellaneous papers, into the hands of his
son Samuel, rector of Milton near Cambridge, in the custody of
whose descendants the bulk of the collection has remained down to
the present day.
The existence of a biographical sketch of Patrick by his own hand
continued to be matter of notoriety in ecclesiastical and literary cir-
cles, and a desire was expressed from time to time in many quarters
for its publication. Whiston, among others, was favoured with a
perusal of it, and gave in his Memoirs the following testimony to
his impression of its value.
"It might be about the year 1734 also that Dr. Knight, late
archdeacon of Berkshire, lent me bishop Patrick's Account of his
own life, written with his own hand, which I very well know ; and
ending with his birthday, when he was eighty years old. Which
birthday the bishop had long kept after a most religious manner.
Why this Life is not hitherto published I do not know. He was in
the old war time a great royalist, and therefore under no temptation
to deny, as he does here, that king Charles I. was the original au-
thor of the ft(ca>i/ ^aaiXiKT], had he not been fully satisfied that it was
not of his own writing ; tho' I take it to be undeniable that the king
highly approved, and frequently corrected the copy with his own
CXXVIU
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
hand, till it truly express'd the sense of his own mind, and so was
his true portraiture, as the title signifies it to be. Another thing I
remember there is in bishop Patrick's account of himself, and of the
great events that happened in his time, viz. ' that just before the
death of king Charles II. there was over-bearing evidence coming
out of the truth of Oates's plot, and then the king died.' What in-
ference the bishop made from this coincidence, does not appear in
this M.S. But I suppose every body will easily supply it in their
own mind. I read this M.S. four times over; so I can be positive
of the truth of these two things.
" When I afterwards gave sir Joseph Jekyl and Mr. Arthur Onslow
an account of what I had seen, they were both hearty for having
the copy intirely printed in puris naturalibus, which I told Dr. Knight.
But he thought himself not at liberty to do more than take some
extracts out of it, to be inserted elsewhere, as he saw cause. So it
is not yet published^."
Twenty years later the MS. was lent to the Rev. Philip Morant,
rector of St. Mary's Colchester, the compiler of the concise and ge-
nerally accurate notice of Patrick in the Biographia Britannica.
Morant's letter to Dr. Knight, sohcitiug materials, and dated Jan. 1 1,
1754, forms part of the documents still preserved in the Knight
family.
The indefatigable collector William Cole speaks of having been
visited by Mr. Knight, rector of Milton and lord of the manor, and
his son, on the 19th of September, 1779, and entrusted by him with
the same manuscript, together with the collection of letters addressed
by the bishop to Lady Gauden. Cole availed himself of the oppor-
tunity to make copious extracts from both, which form part of his
documentary collections extant in the British Museum ^.
In the fifth volume of his Literary Anecdotes, published in 1820,
but obviously accumulated during a long period of years, Nicholls
repeats that a document of the kind was generally understood to re-
main in the custody of the family at their seat at Milton*.
By permission of the late Mrs. Knight, then proprietess of Milton
Hall, the Autobiography was at length given to the public in a small
I 2mo volume in the year 1839, under the editorial care of the Rev.
John Marriott, of Bradfield, Berks, and his brother, the late Rev.
a Whiston's Memoirs, ii. 353. b Addit. MSS. 5810. fol. 280.
c Vol. V. p. 356. Compare his Illustrations, vol. iv. p. 327.
EDITORS PllEFACK
CXXIX
Charles Marriott, fellow of Oriel college. The original manuscript
having, as part of the Milton property, passed into the hands of John
Percy Baumgartne, Esq., grandson of the last named Mr. Knight,
has been obligingly entrusted by that gentleman to the present
editor, for the purpose of being once more collated. A few inac-
curacies in the printed copy of 1839 have been rectified by means
of this latest revision.
Simple in form, and in tone perfectly unreserved and artless, the
good bishop's narrative depicts with truthfulness and force the work-
ings of a deeply religious mind, cast among eventful times and
troubled scenes, yet maintaining a consistent tenor of Christian rec-
titude, firm principle, and fervent charity. Few have succeeded in
portraying more interestingly the inner life of a soul whose daily
converse was with the things of God, or in bequeathing the exem-
plar of a ministerial career inspired by the constant presence of a
divine Master. So exact and full is it in registering all the leading
particulars of his actions and experience, as to leave but few addi-
tional circumstances to reward the diligence of later inquirers. Such
scanty illustrations as have been elicited will be found appended in
the form of notes to the original text ; the only way in which it was
thought feasible to incorporate them, without interfering with the
cour.se of the bishop's personal narration. Certain points alone have
been reserved for separate consideration in this place, as necessitating
a more minute and ample treatment than was compatible with the
limits of a foot-note. They have reference to the three follo\\ing
heads of inquiry :
I. The earlier discoverable traces of Patrick's family history.
II. His personal characteristics, as drawn by Knight and others
from living recollection.
III. Records of his ofi'spring and descendants down to the pre-
sent day.
Patrick does not appear to have carried his own knowledge of his
ancestry to a further point than the second generation. His grand-
father, Symon Patrick, was, he informs us, " a gentleman of good
family, who had an estate of between four and five hundred pounds
a year." He was also, as the bishop is careful to mention with
affection and pride, " a person of religion and learning, as appears
by the books which he wrote or rather translated for the benefit of
i
cxxx
p:ditor's preface.
mankind. For having travelled in his younger days, he translated
two books in the beginning of the last century out of the French
tongue (of which he was a perfect master) into our English language.
The first was a large quarto, being the history of the church : the
other a folio, being an excellent discourse against Machiavel and his
pernicious principles, printed 1602 by Felix Kingston
The second of these works at least bears signs of having been
written long anterior to the date of ])ublication, tlie preface being
dated "Kalends Augusti" (Aug. 15) 1 577. It is dedicated to Francis
Hastings, nephew to the earl of Huntingdon, and Edward Bacon,
the elder brother of the great chancellor ; who had to all appearance
been the writer's companions in travel, or possibly been under his
tutelage in foreign parts. The period coincides'with that of Francis
Bacon's residence in Paris, under the care of Sir Amyas Paulett, the
English ambassador, and it is highly probable that Simon Patrick
thus enjoyed the advantages of the same influential society. It is not
a little puzzling that the writer of this preface speaks of himself as
up to this time not having yet visited England. He deplores the
sad and persecuted state of religion in France, in the language of
one born or naturalized in that country. Yet the preface, though it
bears no name, appears beyond a doubt to have been written by the
translator himself, since it neither forms part of the original French
treatise, nor bears, in point of style, the slightest trace of having
passed through a foreign medium This would seem to justify the
inference that Patrick was actually born on the continent, and that,
if of genuine English extraction, his parents may have settled in
France, and engaged in commercial pursuits, pos.sibly having taken
refuge there from the storms of persecution at the opening of Mary's
reign. One or two expressions almost warrant the surmise, that he
or his familv had sought an asylum in France from the fanatical op-
pressions of the duke of Alva in the Low Countries. Be this as it
may, no trace has been discovered of the Patricks in Lincolnshire
anterior to the period of the elder Symon's retirement from abroad,
after which date both he and his brother Richard are found occupy-
* Vol. ix. p. 408.
^ Since writing the note in which reference was made to this work,
(vol. ix. p. 408,) the editor has met with a copy of the first edition of the
French original in the library of the British Museum, 8vo. Par. f576, dedi-
cated to the Due d'Alen^on
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxxxi
ing extensive landed estates at Caistor. Unfortunately the registers
of that parish do not extend to an earlier date than the year 1584.
No mention of the family has been found in the heralds' visitations
of the county, the records of which, in the years 1562 and 1569,
have been consulted in the British Museum, and the library of
Queen's college, Oxford. Such an omission seems hardly compatible
with the idea of their having been settled there at an earlier period,
especially as the title to gentility is put forth both in the title to
Symon Patrick's work, and in his grandson's narrative.
In the course of researches among the documents in the public
Record office at Carlton Ride, the editor has ascertained from the
vellum rolls containing returns of subsidies paid into the royal ex-
chequer, that on the occasion of the third subsidy, made 39 Eliz.
(1597), " Simon Patricke of Caistor was assessed in goods 6 £.,
pd. 16 s: his brother Richard in goods ^£., pd. 10. 6." From the
omission of their names in connection with the earlier subsidies, it
may be surmised that their settlement was then recent. The re-
turns of Inqnisitiones post mortem, in the Record office. Fetter Lane,
yield no information respecting Simon Patrick ; but an inquisition is
preserved of the effects of his brother Richai-d, held Oct. 3,13 Jac. I.
(1614), his decease having taken place June i 2 in the previous year.
A few particulars are thence obtainable respecting his children and
connections, which are of use in checking the inferences to be de-
rived from other sources of information.
The i-egisters of the parish of Caistor have supplied many addi-
tional particulars. Out of the large number of fifteen children,
which the bishop's narrative has assigned his grandfather, the bap-
tisms of eleven are there placed on record, as may be seen by refer-
ence to the accompanying pedigree.^ The register of burials con-
tains the names of his first two wives : " Marye, the wife of Symon
Pattrick, 4*11 Dec. 1587," and " Dorothea, wife of Symon Pattrick,
Sept. 20, 1 60 1." That of the third, who survived him, does not
appear. The interments of his third son, William, April 23, 1590,
his eldest daughter, Bridget, Feb. 22, 1604, his second son, Vincent,
"gent.," Jan. 31, 164 J, and his daughter, Frances, April 2, 1622,
are also included.
His brother Richard was blessed with scarcely less numerous a
progeny, the christenings and funerals of four sons and three daugh-
ters being registered, besides three daughters buried as " aborts."
i 2
cxxxii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
The will of the elder Symon Patrick, dated Sept. 12, 161 3, extant
in the prerogative court of the province of Canterbury, is the next
source of information. It was proved May 28, 1614, by his second
son Vincent, sole executor ; his decease having taken place some
time in 1613, the month and day not distinctly specified.
To his children by his second wife, Edward, John, Henry, Thomas,
Jane, and Mary, equal legacies are bequeathed. Their mother is
alluded to under her Christian name, " Dorothea." The name
of the first wife, by whom his eldest sou was born, does not occur ;
but to "Simon's wife and three children" he leaves five pounds,
For his daughters Faith and Elizabeth portions are provided, and to
his brother Richard, and sister Thompson, smaller mementos are de-
signated. To his widow, Susan, whose family name he indicates by
mentioning her brother and trustee, Thomas Moyne, bishop of Kil-
more, he bequeathes twenty-two pounds sterling in money, and sun-
dry articles of household use and ornament.
In the library of the royal college of heralds two autograph letters
of the bishop are still preserved, which help at once to throw addi-
tional light upon the claims of the Patrick family to gentility, and to
preclude all hope of rescuing further details from oblivion through
the medium of family tradition. Towards the close of his life, being
desirous of adding to his ancestral coat of arms its proper blazonry
of colours, he made application to the royal college of arms, specify-
ing all the particulars which he had been able to collect relating to
his ancestry. Some difficulty of a technical kind having arisen, the
bishop addressed the following letter to sir Henry St. George,
Garter.
" For sir Henry St. George, king of arms, these,
" Mr. Worthington tells me, it is necessary that I acquaint you
how I came by the coate of arms that I use. I can only say that
my grandfather wrote a book printed 1601, wherein he stiles him-
self ' Simon Patrick, gentleman ;' and a gold seal ring I had from
my father, with this coat I use ingraven on it (which I shewed to
Mr. Day and Mr. Worthington) which he had from his elder bro-
ther, who told him it was his father's, and it was ever so reputed
since I remember. My grandfather had a numerous issue, of which
my father was a sixth son : who was young when my grandfather
died, and so could remember little but what his brothers told him.
EDITOirS PREFACE.
CXXXUl
Whom I remember to have been men of worth, and well esteemed
in the country upon my grandfather's account. But they are all
dead, and their children too, long ago. So I can learn nothing from
any body now alive. But I assure you of the truth of what I write.
I am. Sir,
Yr humble servant,
Ely House, Holbom,
Feb. 23. 1702. (1703.) Ely."
" I have the book I mentioned to shew, called the History of the
Church, which my grandfather translated out of French."
In answer to a further inquiry respecting the armorial bearings
hitherto used by his family, he next wrote to the earl of Carlisle,
acting earl marshal of England during the minority of the duke of
Norfolk, the hereditary official.
" My Lord,
" I have a coat of arms, which hath been used by me, and by my
ancestors, in seals for above an hundred years (how much longer I
am not able now to make out) as I have satisfied sir Henry St. George.
But having occasion lately to blazon them, according as my father
did before me, sir Henry tells me those colours are not to be allowed.
And therefore advises me to address myself to your lordship for a
warrant to him to assign me colours : which he is willing and ready
to do, as I am to pay the fees due upon that account. For I would
leave no dispute to my son about such matters. I humbly desire
your lordship to send such a warrant to sir Henry.
I am, with great respect.
My Lord,
Yr most humble servant,
Ely House "in Holbom, London,
March 30. 1703. ELiENS.f"
' The earl's mandate, according the license required, is registered in the
Heralds' college, together with the letters aforesaid ; for leave to transcribe
which, the editor has been indebted to the ready courtesy of Sir C. G. Young*
Garter king of arms.
Patrick's arms, as depicted on his monument in Ely cathedral, are as fol-
lows, under a mitre, —
" Gules, 3 pallets vaire, argent and azure ; on a chief, or, a lion passant
azure ; though in the print of the bishop by White the lion is sable."— Bentham's
Ely, Appendix, p. 47.
CXXXIV
EDlTOirs PREFACE.
It thus appears that the whole of his grandfather's numerous off-
spring, his relatives of his own generation, and that which inter-
vened, having preceded him to the grave, there remained no living
channel by which he could push his inquiiies into the past.
Independent sources notwithstanding exist, by means of which a
most important and interesting light is thrown upon the history of
this family. In a note on Antony a Wood, derived by Dr. Bliss from
the MS. collections of bishop Kennet'', a genealogical table is given,
which is corroborated in most points by the testamentary paper above
cited, and may without difficulty be reconciled with it in all. Symon
Patrick is therein assigned three wives ; the first of whom is de-
signated as " sister to judge Phesant'," the second " daughter to
Cartwright of Ossington." The third, styled " daughter to Mohun,"
is obviously to be identified with Susan Moyne, whom the will above
quoted designates as sister to Thomas Moyne or Moygne, bishop of
Kilmore and Ardaghl^.
Kennet's account of the parentage of the elder Symon Patrick's
second wife, Dorothea, connects itself directly with the remarkable
statement put forth by archdeacon Knight, as to the fact of near re-
lationship between bishop Patrick and archbishop Cranmer^. Such
was Dr. Knight's assurance of that fact, that he could even make it
the basis of pleasing reflections upon the traits of spiritual resem-
blance, which bore witness, in his imagination, to the ties of physical
consanguinity between those two illustrious sons of the church.
" As the bishop," he remarks, " was by his mother's side a de-
scendant from archbp. Cranmer, so he had not a little of his spirit."
In withholding the grounds upon which he rested so interesting a
^ Wood, Fasti, ii. 292.
' Peter Phesant, puisne justice of the Common Pleas under the Common-
wealth.— Whitelocke, 178, 378, 409 : Haydn, 227.
^ Thomas Moygne, a native of Lincoln, was admitted a scholar at Peter
House, Cambridge, in the year 1579, and gained a fellowship at that college,
which he resigned Dec. i , 1 606 ; having been presented to the vicarage of
Cherry Hinton. He became archdeacon of Meath, Feb. 7, 160 J. In 1608 he
changed this preferment with Eider, dean of St. Patrick'.?, Dublin. He suc-
ceeded to the united bishoprics of Kilmore and Ardagh, by patent, dated
Dec. 17, 161 2. Until 1625 he held his deanery in commendam. He died in
Dublin, Jan. I, 162^, and was buried in St. Patrick's Cathedral. — Cotton, Fasti
Eccl. Hibern. iii. 128, 157. W.ire, Irish bishops, 231. Cole's MSS. in Brit.
Mus. 5845, f. 317.
' See vol. ix. p. 475.
EDITOR'S PHEFACE.
cxxxv
piece of information, Knight has indeed committed an offence against
hterary exactness and fidehty unpardonable in a writer of biography.
Such however is his general character for carefulness and accuracy,
as evidenced by his lives of Colet and Erasmus, that his mere asser-
tion of the fact is entitled to much weight. It may have seemed
to his own mind too familiar and notorious to call for corroborative
proof. True, the literal terms of his statement call for some qualifi-
cation, in order to harmonize strictly with that of Kennet. But the
mere verbal discrepancy serves, on the other hand, to invest them
with the additional stamp of independent authority. Construing
Knight's language as referring to relationship through the female
line in general, instead of through the mother individually, we are
able to deduce from these combined testimonies, almost beyond ques-
tion, a definite link between the families of Patrick and Cranmer.
The connection between the family of Cartwright and that of
Cranmer is fully and satisfactorily established by their respective
pedigrees, as delineated in Thoroton's history of Notts, and arch-
deacon Todd's Life of Cranmer. Ann, daughter to Thomas Cranmer,
and sister to the reforming primate, married Edmund Cartwright of
Ossington. The date of their union has not been ascertained ; but
she is known to have been living at the period of her brother's mar-
tyrdom™, having survived her husband, who died in the first year of
Mary's reign, A. D. 1553-4". Their second son, George, likewise
of Ossington, married Dorothea, daughter and heiress of William
Molyneux, Esq. of Havvton, Kent, and widow of William Dabridge-
court, of Ossington. The issue of her marriage with George Cart-
wright is stated by Thoroton to have consisted of four son's, William,
George, Edmund, Robert, and one daughter, Elizabeth. The non-
occurrence in this genealogical list of any daughter named Dorothea,
may seem at first sight to militate against the hypothesis by which it
is sought to reconcile the statements of Kennet and Knight. Consi-
dering, however, the little care notoriously bestowed by the compilers
of tables of affinity, towards enumerating and tracing every scion in
the female line, such an omission cannot be thought to outweigh the
force of the positive assertions of both writers. The name of Dorothea
was not only that of George Cartwright's wife, but one of repeated oc-
currence both in his own famllv and that of Cranmer, as an inspection
Todd's Cranmer, ii. 515
" Thoroton's Notts, i. 262, iii. 173.
cxxxvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
of their respective pedigrees will show. The archbishop had himself
both a sister and a niece of that name. William, eldest son and heir
of George Cartwright, had among other children a daughter named
Dorothea, who is known on the authority of Thoroton and that of
the registers of Ossington, to have become the wife of Thomas
Browne, and to have been buried there, May, 1610. It is conse-
quently neither in her nor in her generation that we are to identify
the wife of Symon Patrick. The latter was married between the
end of 1587 and the beginning of 1590, and may be referred ac-
cordinglv to the generation of George Cartwright's children. Most
unfortunately the registers of Ossington go back no further than
the year 1594, not so early therefore as the date of her marriage.
George's eldest son, William, succeeded as next of kin to his uncle
Hugh Cartwright, Feb. 6, 1575, to the estates of the latter in Kent
and Notts. His father's death had cleai'ly taken place some time be-
fore, though no will or other clue to its precise date has been met with.
But from the Inqinsitio post mortem into the efl'ects of the said Hugh,
May 6, 1572, it transpires that William was then a minor, having at-
tained the age of 14 the 9 Nov. preceding. He was therefore born
in 1557. The register of Ossington records his death, Dec. 3 1 , 1602,
the same year as that of Symon Patrick's second wife.
Those dates are in exact accordance with the presumption to
which the words of Knight and Kennet point. It is only requisite
to assume that a daughter, Dorothea, was born to George Cartwright
between the years 1557 and 1572 ; when the affiliation of Dorothea
Patrick, and by natural consequence of her grandson and his de-
scendants,'into the line of the Cranmers will be complete. Bishop Pa-
trick's grandmother was then grand-niece to the great archbishop.
Symon Patrick's eldest son and heir by his first marriage, baptized
by his father's name at Caistor, Oct. 28, 1J85, has been ascertained
from the college books and university register to have matriculated
as a pensioner at the age of seventeen at Peter house, Cambridge,
Dec. IT, 1602. He subsequently followed the profession of the bar
at Lincoln's Inn, married, and had issue Vincent, Edward, John,
Francis, and Elizabeth o. Not one of these numerous scions of the
family was living, if the bishop's letter is to be construed as strictly
accurate, at the opening of the following century.
" Kennet, quoted by Bliss, as above.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxxxvii
Passing to the direct line of our subject, we find Henry, the sixth
son, to have been baptized at Caistor on the 5th of September, 1 596.
Having been, like his brothers, educated at home under the care of
a resident schoolmaster, he was first apprenticed and afterwards
established in business at Gainsborough as a ' mercer.' This term
must not be construed in the restricted sense in which it is now ap-
plied to a single branch of commerce. It then embraced the wider
and more honourable calling of a general merchant. Nor had the
riverain ports of the eastern coast of England as yet parted with
that early importance as emporia of foreign trade, which has since
been lost to them through the rising competition of rivals, both to
the south and north. The mei'chant's enterprise seems to have
brought him much prosperity, until the civil war entailed serious
disasters and reverses. He was remarked among his neighbours
for scrupulous attention to the duties of religion both at church and
in the family circle P. As a mark of the times, his son's narrative
records that from his habitual practice in attending a sermon on
Sunday afternoons, (an extra ordinance which the church omitted to
provide, and for which, it must be feared, he had to frequent some
neighbouring conventicle,) he obtained the nickname of a Puritan ; a
noticeable but saddening trait of the religious habits of his contem-
poraries. His attachment to the church was, however, firm and un-
interrupted throughout ; and he lost no opportunity of profiting by
the ministrations of her ritual while they were to be had.
The marriage of Henry Patrick introduces a question of some
delicacy and difficulty. His wife Mary Naylor was, as their son
himself informs us, " the daughter of an holy minister in Notting-
hamshire." From the use of an expression so studiously vague and
indirect, is it to be inferred that the " minister" was a noncon-
formist ? The balance of probability seems at least to incline towards
that view. Archdeacon Knight, it is true, in incorporating this pas-
sage from the bishop's narrative into his own, speaks of Naylor as a
" beneficed clergyman in Notts." But this specific addition to the
original phrase may have been merely inferential on his part. A
more decided opinion may be based upon an official search made
for this express purpose into the episcopal register of the diocese
of York, of which that county then formed a part. The only names
P See vol. ix. p. 410.
CXXXVIU
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
of clergymen of the name of Naylor mentioned therein between the
years 1580 and 1640, embracing a sufficiently wide interval for the
present object, are those of George Naylor, B. A. of Corpus Christi
College, licensed to the curacy of Clixby, and subsequently ordained
priest, 20 March, 1624, and that of Thomas Naylor, B. A., admitted
to the vicarage of Arnold, March 27, 1623. Neither of these can
be in any way identified with the " minister" of our inquiry. A son
of the latter, brother to Patrick's mother, simply described in the
Autobiography as "a grave divine^" was living in the year 1662,
and his judgment frequently consulted by Patrick about his studies
in divinity q. But uo further clue to the history of that family is
there afforded. In the absence of more exact data, it may be pre-
sumed that the father of Mary Naylor, had he ever held a benefice
in the church, could not have been in possession of it earlier
than 1580. He is proved not to have been presented between that
date and the marriage of Patrick's parents. The " minister" of the
latter period cannot therefore, it is clear, have been of the order of
the established clergy.
An additional motive for this research lay in the desire to test
Knight's statement above referred to, concerning the descent of
Patrick from Cranmer " by his mother's side." Every channel which
opened a prospect of substantiating that fact has been patiently and
perseveringlv followed up, before finally adopting the more probable
hypothesis which has been deduced above. Advertisements have
been circulated in the public journals for the certificate of marriage
between Henry Patrick' and Mary Naylor. This might afford, it was
hoped, at all events an important clue in the Christian name of her
father, which has not as yet been ascertained. Inquiries have been
addressed with the same object by circular letter to the incumbents
of all parishes in Nottinghamshire, in which the parochial registers
are known to be extant anterior to the year 1640'' This appeal,
though very generally and courteously responded to, has failed to
elicit the information desired. The diocesan register, as aforesaid,
had been previously consulted in vain.
1 Vol. ix. 437.
f It may be worth mentioning that the returns of Parish Registers extant
in the year 1831, made by order of the house of commons, are preserved among
the MSS. in the British Museum. — Add. MSS. 9355-9360.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
CXXXIX
On the archbishop's own side the editor's inquiries have been pro-
ductive of no better results. The successive biographers of Cranmer,
and editors of his remains, have effected Uttle towards supplying any
authentic list of the great primate's personal issue. The table com-
piled by Mr. Todd from other sources besides those of Strype, makes
mention of his first wife Joan, who died within a year in birth of her
first child, the infant perishing with her, and of his marriage sub-
sequently contracted with Ann, the niece of Osiauder, in i53'2, by
whom he had three children, Thomas, Ann, and Margaret. His
family having been declared illegitimate on his attainder and sentence
in J 556, were restored in blood by a special act of the legislature,
5 Eliz. (Commons' Journals, Mar. 5 and 9, 1562-3, Chancery Roll,
II. 45, 5 Eliz.s). Thomas and Margaret being alone mentioned therein
by name, the inference may be drawn that the second daughter, Ann,
had deceased during the interval. From this point the published ac-
counts of Cranmer's history yield no further information. A docu-
ment at Herald's college declares the pedigree finally closed, append-
ing to all three children the letters " d. s.p."
These statements are however beyond doubt defective and incom-
plete. It is certain that Cranmer has progeny, in one direction at
least, still traceable in the female line. The family of Simpson, of
Mitcham, among others, are entitled to trace their descent from the
archbishop, and in virtue of this ancestry some have assumed the
name and arms of Cranmer. Through the courtesy of Mr. Richard
Simpson, formerly of Oriel college, Oxford, and vicar of Mitcham,
the present editor has been permitted to inspect a table of kindred
by means of which that claim is most conclusively authenticated. By
the aid of documents still in the hands of the family, it has been
made clear that the archbishop's only son Thomas left also a single
male inheritor, who, dying without male issue, is represented down
to the present day in the female line by more than one branch of
his lineage. No opening, however, is afforded by this additional
documentary evidence for engrafting upon the stem of Cranmer any
scion of the name of Naylor, and thereby the line of Patrick. Such
a hypothesis must certainly be abandoned in favour of the one pre-
viously suggested. Of the proofs submitted in support of that conclu-
» Todd, ii. p. 515.
cxl
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
sion the public must be left to judge. In the absence of more posi-
tive data, the editor has not indeed felt himself at liberty to incor-
porate those links of kindred in the table of Patrick's authentic ge-
nealogy. But he cannot withhold his assurance of the fact. Should
the present confession of failure incite others to follow up the thread
of inquiry, and terminate in a more satisfactory manner by finally
clearing up a point so fraught with interest both to the churchman
and genealogist, and in a hardly less degree to the general body of
the public, his personal regret at leaving the investigation incom-
plete will be lost in pleasure at their superior success.
Personal characteristics of Bishop Patrick, as drawn
from contemporary observation.
Leaving to the bishop himself the task as well of narrating the
outer circumstances, as of analysing the feelings and experience of
his life, there remains to his editor the duty of setting forth, so far
as is now possible, those characteristics which belong to his external
portraiture, and which those alone are competent to bequeathe who
enjoyed the privilege of contemporary and personal knowledge of
their subject.
The most complete and authentic picture of Patrick, as a bishop
and a man, is that delineated by Dr. Knight, who drew largely for
his materials upon the stores of his own memory, and that of others
similarly qualified to speak. Though not officially attached to the
see of Ely till after the bishop's death, having been nominated to a
prebend in that cathedral, June 8, 1714, by Patrick's successor
Moore', Knight had been brought within the bishop's influence in his
younger years, and cherished towards him the reverential regard of
a Timothy for Paul the aged, of an youthful and observant disciple
for an apostle almost prophetic through experience and grace.
It has been thought preferable to subjoin in this place Knight's
own statement (which must be read with due allowance, as not having
been conducted through the press by the writer's own hand), rather
* Le Neve, i. 361.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxli
than to attempt an essay of a composite kind, out of the few and
fragmentary notices which have come down from independent
sources.
"The good bishop's character," Knight continues at the close of
his hfe, " appears throughout the whole foregoing narrative. Yet
give me leave to sum it up very briefly, which will give me an
opportunity to bring in some little notices of him, which have
escaped a mention in the proper series of the history, by reason of
the abundant matter that offered itself while the composure was
under hand. His behaviour through the whole course of his life,
bating human infirmity (to which the very best of men are subject),
was truly exemplary and praiseworthy ; and yet I have been so im-
partial as not to pass over any passages that occurred which may in
some measure, if not judged candidly, les.sen with some persons the
generally conceived opinion the world had of him ; being not acting
the part of a panegyrist but an historian.
" His life was in the general truly exemplary as a Christian, a
minister, and a bishop. He had a constant regard to answer the
benefits he received from a strict and pious education, which shone
brightly through his whole conversation. He studied to transcribe
in this life all the imitable perfections of God. His soul was always
upon the wing towards heaven : his devotions were sublime, not en-
thusiastical : his heart set upon God and religion : and yet engaged
in a busy scene of action, he walked with God. Though he lived
and conversed with men, everything he did was with some reference
to the glory of God and the good of mankind, and he was so intent
upon these things that it gave him no leisure to concern himself
much in matters of lesser moment. He had courage enough to
deliver himself up to the conduct and direction of Providence, and
he found the fruit of it by being freed from fhose corroding cares
and anxious thoughts which sour the lives of the generality of man-
kind ; and had thereby a happy conscience of a watchful care that
hovered over him, by raising up instruments and ordering accidents
so prosperously, as if there had been a secret design of heaven by
blessing him to encourage others to depend upon God, and deliver
up themselves wholly to his care and guidance.
" I must not omit to say something of his charity and munifi-
cence, which was very eminent and exemplary, in everv station of life
cxlii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
he passed through, but more especially shone most brightly in his
more advanced circumstances ; and though what he did of this nature
was as privately as he possibly could, avoiding all ostentation and
praise of men, yet his goodness and munificence could not be so
concealed as not to be taken notice of, and occasioned him to be
seldom free from crowds of petitioners from every quarter, who ad-
dressed themselves to him for relief in one kind or other. But as
his lot was cast in such times as by reason of persecution and op-
pression made England a sanctuary for its suffering neighbours from
France and Poland, he was unwearied in finding out relief, and
moving those whom he knew susceptive of good impressions to join
with him in so good a work ; and perhaps few ever met with better
success in applications of this sort. He never failed of setting a
good example, and his charity would sometimes exceed the bounds
of his ability ; but he thereby provoked others to good works, and
raised an emulation which was very advantageous to the distressed
parties. Thus by a distribution of twenty pounds, which he at one
time gave generously towards the relief of the Scotch episcopal
clergy, in the year 169^, ten of them and their families were sup-
ported under the deepest poverty and distress, till a way of more
settled maintenance could be procured for them. The Irish pro-
testants, who came over in great numbers soon after the revolution,
had large experience of his care and concern for them. They had
from himself, and by his interest with the best and the greatest of
the nation, a large and cheerful beneficence : nor were the refugees
from France, who came hither to escape the fury of the persecution
raised against them, forgot by him, but more especially their minis-
ters (of whom I could give a large roll of names) looked upon bishop
Patrick as raised up by providence for their comfort and assistance.
Those more especially who were of eminence in learning and men of
probity he took into a strict f/iendship with him ; amongst otliers
Dr. Allix was most favoured by him. I find also by some Latin
epistles of J. H. Dalhusius, inspector of the churches in the county
of Weeden upon the Rhine, &c., who published in 1692 a book called
' The Salvation of Protestants asserted, and defended against the sen-
tence of the Romish church",' &c., as also Carmen in 4™ Novembris^,
u 4to Lond. 1689.
" " Carmen proseucticon Basiphili ad suos Britannicos concives occasione pri-
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxliii
that he relied much on our bishop's bounty. For being persecuted in
his own country he fled hither with his family. He thankfully owns
his son's education by his lordship's bounty, and that the Queen had,
from the bishop's application, been beneficial to him. He dedicates
his book translated into English, and printed 1689 4to., " to the
bishops &c. of the church of England," wherein he gives them to
understand that their kindness to one who had suffered on the
account of religion would be acceptable to God and redound to their
honour. To mention one more (A. C.) who was in the year 1683
converted from the popish religion to the communion of the church
of England by his means, I find many years after, being reduced, to
have met with a favourable regard from him, so that in both respects
he had great obligations to so kind a friend. Indeed so great an
esteem had persons of the highest rank of his probity, goodness, and
discretion, that he was a sort of common almoner to many of them.
To say nothing of lady Coventry since before mentioned, on another
occasion I find a receipt under the bishop of London's (Compton's)
hand, acknowledging the sum of threescore pounds paid by Dr. Pa-
trick, from an unknown lady, towards the rebuilding of the church
of St. PauFs, bearing date Nov. 18, 1682. The duchess of Ormond,
and many others of great name did not think it below them to apply
to him for favours to some of their friends who had need of them.
The duchess was a very earnest suitor for a minister well preferred
before the troubles in Ireland, but saving nothing but his life escaped
hither. The bishop, who was easy to be intreated, took care of him,
to both the lady's and his own satisfaction. Besides, the bishop was
a very great patron and encourager of learning, and learned men,
both at home and abroad, and never was better pleased than when
he had an opportunity of exerting himself for their service. An in-
stance we have in the kind assistance he gave to Jacobus Cappellus,
the son and nephew of two great men of that name, when he was
publishing their commentaries on the Old Testament, it being a very
chargeable and laborious work, part of which was never before pub-
lished, whereby he had hurt his circumstances, and run in debt.
l3ishop Patrick, with the assistance of other friends, paid their re-
spect to the name he bore, and made him easy. I find him acknow-
die nonarum et nonarum Novembris, quando regis Gulielmi III. genethlia, et
adventus ejus in Angliam atque pulverariae proditionis memoria celebrabantur
anno iGSg." — fol, s. 1. et a.
cxliv
EDITOR'S rUEFACE.
ledging this in a Latin epistle, so that the learned world are obliged
to him for that fair edition which bears the title of Ludovici et Jacobi
Cappelli Commentarii, nota: criticcE, et ohservationes in Vetus Testamen-
tum. Item Ludovici arcanum punctuationis, cum ejusdem vindiciis.
Editionem curavit Jac. Cappellus. L. F. Amstelodami, per Blaew. 1689
in folio. The editor gave the bishop a full account of this affair, in
what he styled Jacobi Cappelli Declaratio de editione operum posthu-
niorum parentis sui patruique in MSS. I find also long before this,
in the year 1670, that one Joh. Mezolaki, an Hungarian, published
Disputatio textualis ad cap. i. Hoseee v. 2. et de Idolatria pontificia,
and dedicated it to Dr. Patrick, Dr. Stillingfleet, and Dr. Tillotson,
styling them Dominis meis et fautoribus honorandis. It would be
endless to mention the acknowledgments of the like nature which he
received from colleges and schools at home upon the like occasions,
especially the respect he always bore to his own college of Queen's,
which could not but glory in first forming so great and so good a
man, and that they did so may be seen in a letter from that college
to himy. He was also a generous benefactor to the college at Eton,
when applied to by that society towards the repairing and beautifying
their chapel, as also to the chapel of Katherine hall in Cambridge,
from both which societies he had proper acknowledgments. The
palace of Ely, which he found in great disorder, and unfinished as to
gardens, fishponds, stables, &c., soon after his coming to that see
he brought into order, repairing what was decayed, and rebuilding
what was wanting ; and (what we who are members of the church
have great reason to be grateful to his memory for) he gave a large
collection of valuable books to the library of the cathedral, by much
the best part of it, though before it contained the whole libraries of
dean Mapletoft and Dr. Ball, one of the prebendaries of that church.
He also gave a considerable number of books to the library at Peter-
borough, where he had been dean and his brother prebendary.
"On the 19th of March, 1693, he had a sum of money, no less than
£500, left in his hands by a worthy gentleman of a good family
(Mr. Cholmondeley), which he disposed of in the following manner,
very much to his reputation and honour, since he was always devising
liberal things: —
y Mention of Patrick's loyalty to his college is made in the life of Dr. John
Warren, p. xvi. prefixed to his Sermons, 8vo. 1739.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cxlv
£
To ye corporation of Ministers sons, . . loo o o
Redemption of two captives, . . . 80 o o
Charity-houses for ye French refugees, . 5000
St. Thomas's Hospital for ye building of it, 50 o o
Catherine Hall Chapel to lay its foundation z, 5000
French refugees at Canterbury, . . 20 o o
To ye five prisons for relief of debtors there (to be put
into Mr. Cox's hands), . . . 50 o o
L''. Ronsell, baron of Courtins, who had been
reduced by misfortunes, . . . 25 o o
Mr Devun, six children, . . . 25 o o
Scotch clergy, . . , . . 50 o o
X5OO O Qi*
' This was not the first or only sum contributed by the bishop in aid of this
object, as appears from the following receipt, transmitted among his papers : —
" Dec. Received of ye Reverend Dr. Patrick, dean of Peterborough, ye re-
mainder of ten pounds wch lie was pleased to promise towards the rebuilding
of St. Cath. Hall in Cam. — £4. o. o.
John Eachard."
The year is not stated, but must have been prior to 1691, the date of Patrick's
elevation to the episcopal bench. The chapel was not completed till 1 704, and
consecrated by him Sept. 4, in that year.
* Sundry items among the disbursements entered in the churchwarden's
books at St. Paul's, Covent Garden, bear concurrent testimony to Patrick's
charitable conduct towards religious exiles, and other sufferers of the foreign
class.
"June 16, 1668. Given to a poor man driven out of Flanders, recommended
by Dr. Patrick, £00. oi. 00."
"Aug. 25, 1669. Given to a poor Grecian by order, £00. 01. 00."
" Sept. 4. Given to two poor men that came out of Turkey
slavei-y, £00. 02. 00 "
" Nov. 2, 1673. Given to a Chaldean at Dr. Patrick's request, £01. 00. 00."
" Dec. 8, 1683. Given a Polonian gent, commended by ye Dean,
£00. 05. 00."
" July 22, 1684. Given to four poore slaves redeemed out of captivitie from
Algier, £00. 05. 00."
An additional instance may be quoted of the use which he made of funds
entrusted to him for distribution, in the assistance rendered by him to Veaey,
archbishop of Tu.am, who had been expelled by the Roman catholics in the reign
of James II, and subjected to great distress.
" Given by Dr. Patrick, dean of Peterborough, out of some money put into
his hands for charitable uses, £20. o. o." — Mant's History of the Church of
Ireland, ed. j. vol. i. p. 749.
k
cxlvi
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Thus did bishop Patrick leave a good savour behind him wherever
he came, and such tokens of kindness and generosity as can not
easily be forgotten. Nay, so great a compass did he take in doing
good, and being serviceable to all mankind (if possible), that I find
even from so distant a place as Maryland the acknowledgments of
governor Nicholson for the service our bishop had done in that
colony by his influence, reaching thus further than his presence.
His might well be called a good old age, which was productive of so
much good to mankind in general. I find amongst his papers a
thanksgiving of his own composing upon some princelike donations
of King William and Queen Mary, in which it seems bishop Patrick
was concerned. What they were is not mentioned. I have thought
it however worth preserving among his other papers. One cannot
wonder that they highly valued bishop Patrick, and that Queen Mary
more especially, Whose heart was set upon doing good, had such love
and respect for him, since she found in him such a spirit of wisdom
and counsel, together with so great zeal for doing good, which
moved her often to consult him in those great and good projects in
which she spent her whole time ; and indeed he looked upon her
removal by death to be one of the greatest losses this nation ever
sustained. The most earnest prayer which he composed when she lay
sick of the small pox (of which she died) shews the mighty value he
set on her.
" Another excellent disposition of mind for which he was remark-
able, was his candour and charity to those who differed from him,
if he thought men but sincere and honest. He could make great
allowances for their different judgments and opinions : men's educa-
tion, capacities, and several ways of thinking, may determine them
some one way some another : and did we but understand one an-
other better, we should often find that the differences that trouble
the world are more in words than things. What warm contests
have there been in the world, nay, in the very church, in all ages
about nothing or next to it. This therefore rendered him averse to
all persecutions for conscience sake ; such usage being diametrically
opposite to the gospel of peace, and to the spirit which is first pure,
then peaceable : meekly instructing and fair treatment is a more ra-
tional and scriptural way to gain upon men's minds than force and
• See Dr. Bray's Memorial of the state of Religion on the continent of
North America.
EDITOR^S PREFACE.
cxlvii
fury, which drives men further from us, and hardens them in their
way.
" Wherever he found goodness and probity, and a sense of God
and religion, those he could not lightly speak evil of, though they
went not with him, and were of another sort of denomination : if
vvhereunto they had already attained they minded the same thing he
could not but value them accordingly. Hence he would speak favour-
ably of those who differed from us in their notions of church govern-
ment, and might thereupon separate from the established worship.
If he could not persuade, yet he thought he had no reason to quarrel
and be angry with them. So likewise when at the revolution many
of his friends scrupled to take the oaths to the government then
established, though he himself was fully satisfied in his own con-
science in complying, he would not judge them for refusing, since to
his own Master every man standeth or falleth. For no man can be
induced to do or act against his conscience, and be blameless. But
on the contrary, his indignation rose high against those wretches
who could find in their hearts to swear to a government, and act
and speak the most opprobrious things against it, and seek to ruin
what they have solemnly sworn to maintain. This is most hateful
and odious in any person, but doubly criminal in a clergyman, who
should, if any other, know the guilt and danger of perjury : besides
the reproach and stain it leaves on his order, and the scandal it gives
to those without. But on brothers who had done wiiat they could
to satisfy themselves, but could not get over their scruples, he would
give them the right hand of fellowship, and esteem them as good
and conscientious men. With such he kept up a friendship, or at
least was resolved it should not be his fault if the intimacy was
dropped between them. No doubt Dr.Hickes had all along different
notions in many particulars, but yet T find by his letters there was a
great intimacy between them, and all the while he was in Scotland
chaplain to duke Lauderdale, kept up a strict correspondence with
him. How long it was cultivated afterwards I know not ; but I
cannot but mention a letter to Dr. Patrick after he was advanced to
the see of Chichester, from a person who could nnt bring himself to
take the oaths (whose name I am at a loss for, it being torn ofi ),
that has such signatures of candour and goodness, as intitles it to be
preserved, and testifies to the good opinion he had of bishop Patrick
in those circumstances, and that he rejoiced at his advancement in
k 2
cxlviii
EDITOR^S PREFACE.
the church. And indeed many of the greatest characters of a primi-
tive and apostohcal hishop appeared very eminently in him, which
derived an honour upon the venerable order he was of, so that it
caused the enemies of it to have a better opinion of it on his account.
He had an unaffected gravity in his deportment, and a decent sim-
plicity in his dress and apparel. In all religious duties there was a
warmth and zeal which showed that he was in earnest. His style
was clear and full, and his preaching without affectation and dross,
fitted to instruct others, not to set off himself ; and therefore on
such subjects as were most proper to do good upon his audience,
and instil right apprehensions of the great duties of our holy religion.
He was always at work in his study, when the affairs of his sacred
function did not lead him out of it. Otherwise he could never have
despatched the numerous volumes he obliged the world with. He
had amassed a great stock of learning of all sorts, but his delight
chiefly was in the law of his God. In this he meditated day and
night. His great knowledge in the Eastern tongues enabled him to
make great discoveries in the most difficult and abstruse passages of
the Holy Scriptures. But whenever he had to give his opinion, it is
with great modesty and humble deference to the judgment of others.
When at any time he thought himself concerned to controvert any
point with any of different sentiments, he made it evident in the way
that he took that it was not victory but truth that he sought for in
it. He was not wedded to any notions but he was ready to quit
them upon first and convincing evidence. The learned Dr. Alhx
had leave to animadvert upon his Commentaries, and it gave him no
uneasiness but pleasure when any mistakes were discovered, which
he was ready to own with great thankfulness. As he could make
great allowance for the mistakes of others, so he was less favourable
to his own. He had an admirable way of managing his reproofs
when he found them necessary to be used. There was so much
good nature mixed with them that they seldom failed of answering
the end designed by them. His gravity and seriousness gave such
a weight to his words, that no person, unless quite hardened, but
had deep impressions from them not easily to be forgotten. His
clergy he always treated as brethren, and those he found remiss in
their duty, or immoral in their lives, he took care either by gentle
monitions first to let them know that he was obliged for his own and
religion's sake to insist upon a reformation from them, but otherwise
EDlTOR^S PREFACE.
cxlix
he must make use of that wholesome discipline which the church
had entrusted him with, in order to prevent any scandal that might
arise from their impunity. His admirable management of matters
of this nature has been already set forth by some examples in the
foregoing narrative, as several other of his excellent virtues, so that
it is but actum agere to repeat anything further of them. His con-
tempt of the world, and his freedom from anything of ambition in
seeking for preferments appears from instances in every prefermen
he passed through, for which he was rather sought for than he could
find in his heart to seek, till providence opened a way for him. His
merit raised him friends who, without any solicitation of his own,
paved the way towards his advancement ; which gave him a pleasant
gust of all his acquisitions, and furnished his brethren of the clergy
an excellent lesson of a dependence upon providence, and of patient
diligence in the discharge of their heavenly calling.
" I have neither room nor inclination to give the world an account
of the many great persons whom his merit had made his friends and
patrons ; since it is seen in the preceding account that a succession
of crowned heads esteemed him highly for his works' sake, and had a
personal knowledge of him, always looking upon him with a favour-
able eye. Nor need I say anything of the great intimacy between
him and the noble Bedford family, with the first duke especially, who
laid the foundation of all his future preferments, by bringing him
out of an obscure place and planting him so advantageously in
the eye of the world; but shall close all with just mentioning the
great intimacy and correspondence he had with the most eminent
men for learning and piety throughout the nation, as appears by his
letters to and from them : such as archbishop Lamplugh, bishop
Ward, bishop Barlow, bishop Burnet, bishop Williams, Dr.W. King,
archbishop of Dublin, bishop Wetenhall,&c., as also with the learned
Dr. Worthington, Dr. Bernard, Dr. Whitby, Dr.Stradling, and others.
It might not be improper to mention the chaplains he made choice
of for his service, in which he always had great regard to his beloved
college of Queen's, which furnished him with all under this character
that ever he had for the eighteen years he was bishop of Chichester
and Ely, excepting Dr. Nicholas Gouge, who was of Katherine hall.
The others. Dr. James Smith, Dr. Charles Ashton, master of Jesus
college and prebendary of Ely, Dr. Ralph Perkins, prebendary of
Ely, and Mr. John Martyn, rector of Willingham, (except archdea-
con Masden) were all fellows of Queen's college."
cl
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Mention is made by Knight of a MS. tract in his possession,
written by Patrick in the year 1650 against Richard Resbary, an ex-
treme holder of supralapsarian and reprobationist views ; but the
MS. has not been found among his papers.
It is matter of regret that comparatively nothing has been reco-
vered of the voluminous correspondence maintained bv Patrick with
many of the most conspicuous personages of his time in church and
state. A far more adequate conception would have been gained
thereby than his own modest and unassuming record might lead the
reader to form of the extent to which his personal influence was
exerted. The few and comparatively unimportant letters appended
to his life comprise nearly all that the most careful inquiry has ena-
bled the editor to bring together from various sources. The lengthy
series addressed to lady Gauden is more remarkable for the light it
reflects upon the writer's mind and character than for topics illustra-
tive of the time. Several incidental notices therein will however be
found to possess matter of interest to the historical reader, such as
those which refer to the progress and ravages of the great plague. The
writer's calm and courageous faith, at a season of such fearful peril,
and his unswerving sentiment of Christian duty, when so many of his
brethren sufl^ered their posts to be betrayed, shine through the veil
which his meek and unselfish temperament seeks by instinct to throw
over his thoughts and actions. This correspondence had already
passed the press in its present form, as abridged by Cole, when
by an unexpected chance the originals in Patrick's own handwriting
were brought to light among a quantity of literarj- lumber in the
library of Milton Hall. They thus came into the editor's hands too
late to be inserted at length. Considering their great number,
sixty-two in all, the length to which each extends, and the sameness
of the theme with which they deal, — the spiritual experiences and
sympathies of two romantic natures, poured forth in all the confi-
dence which the privacy of the pastoral relation was calculated to
inspire, — the loss entailed upon the pubhc by their curtailment will
not be inordinately deplored. They could at the best but have fur-
nished another chapter to the history of that phase of religious en-
thusiasm, which the English reader has generally been accustomed
to see depicted in foreign models. In the glimpses of melancholy
and somewhat dreamy pietism which are evinced by the scanty
letters of his female confidante or penitent, might be seen reflected
many traits of the romantic and imaginative temper of which Ma-
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cli
dame Guyon aud Madame de Chantal are the most familiar types.
In the reproofs and precepts of her director or confessor, even in
their present abbreviated form, may be traced not a little of that
mystic tenderness, and indulgent sympathy for pious weakness, which
breathes in its purest and holiest form through the spiritual counsels
of F6n61on and de Sales.
The whole correspondence is obviously exceptional in character,
and, while serving to point out a peculiar trait of mind and temper
in the writer, need in no sense be regarded as an instance of the
ordinary footing on which so careful and guarded a curate of souls
would conduct a spiritual control over his parishioners.
Many other collections are known to have been formed of Patrick's
epistolary labours, showing the value set upon his judgment, and the
extent to which he was consulted in points connected with the for-
tunes of the church, or the private concerns of individuals. But it
is at least* doubtful whether any material portion of them be now
existing. The Rev. Thomas Comber, rector of Buckworth, Hants,
is known to have had several in his possession at the close of the
last century, in combination with others from Tillotson, Stillingfleet,
and other eminent prelates. — NichoUs' Literary Anecdotes, i. 602.
Sir Henry Ellis in his Second Series of original letters includes four
written by Hickes to Patrick, in the year 1677, relative to the
affairs of the church in Scotland, particularly the trial of Michell for
the murder of the archbishop of St. Andrew's (vol. ii. 40-56). But
Patrick's replies do not appear to have been preserved.
A letter addressed to Patrick by dean Comber on the 19th of Octo-
ber, i68g, relative to the proposed revision of the liturgy, is printed
from the Tanner MSS. in Cardwell's History of Conferences, p. 4 13.
Whiston has transmitted a letter addressed to himself, which de-
serves insertion here, as illustrating the gentleness and forbearance
with which Patrick was disposed to exercise his judicial functions on
points connected with the political derangements of the time. A ru-
mour had prevailed to the effect that Dr. Turner, president of Corpus
Christi college, had resolved to decline the oath of abjuration of the
pretender, thereby subjecting himself to the loss of all his prefer-
ments in the church, by the ist of August, 1702. Patrick, having
been advertised to that effect by Tenison, made Whiston a condi-
tional offer of the prebend about to be vacated by Turner at Ely.
But on his arrival at Ely with the expectation of taking possession.
clii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
Whiston had the following letter put into his hands, explaining Pa-
trick's inability to ratify the nomination.
Ely, Aug. i8, 1702.
" Good Sir,
" Having the intelligence which I sent you about Dr. Turner, from
no less person than his grace the archbishop of Canterbury, I thought
it might be relied on, for he said he had it from good hands. But
hearing it contradicted I wrote to his grace, to know whether there
were any certainty in it, and by the last post received an answer,
that he doth not know what to believe, reports are so various. Cer-
tain it is he went on the 28th of July from London, with a resolu-
tion not to take the oath, but quit all his preferments. And yet on
the 3rd of August one of my acquaintance came through Oxford, lay
there all night, and dined with the head of a house next day, and
was with several others, but heard not one word of his lin ing down
his presidentship, as was reported. This he told me here last week,
and on Sunday I saw a letter to one in this town, from a fellow of
his college, who says he saw the president. Dr. Turner, at prayers
that day in the chappel, which was the twelfth instant, which makes
me think he changed his mind when he was gone from London, and
hath qualified himself to keep his preferments. However it be, I
intended very sincerely towards you, who may look upon it as a token
of my future kindness, if it be in my power.
" Yours, Sy. Eliensis."
It would appear that Turner, finding no active steps to be taken
for bringing him to the test of subscription, Patrick's liberality and
kindliness not disposing him to be the instrument of inflicting ruin
upon an able and virtuous clergyman, prudently remained quiet until
the affair blew over, and remained without molestation in his pre-
bendal stall. Whiston takes credit to himself for forbearing to press
the opportunity, as he might have done, to Turner's detriment, out of
personal respect towards him. Ten years later, being straitened in cir-
cumstances, he confesses to having made his forbearance the basis of
an appeal for pecuniary assistance ; which, notwithstanding, to his no
small chagrin, Turner suffered to pass unnoticed^.
Another letter tends to evince his solicitude to place the legiti-
a Whi.ston'i) Memoirs, p. 201-315.
EDITOR'S PHEFACE.
cliii
mate restraints of the constitution upon the growth of Anabaptist
errors in his diocese.
"For the reverend Mr. Williams, Rector of Doddington, these,
"Sir,
" You have done very worthily and prudently in stopping the
progress of the Anabapt. faction, by applying y^self to the justices,
to call their unlicensed school master to account : who you tell me,
and I am glad to hear it, have bound him over to appear at the next
sessions. I think you need not fear his procuring a license from the
archbps court : for I had the like attempt here at Littleport, where
I refused to license a fellow whom a party had set up against one
who had a long time taught school there with good acceptance;
whereupon they pretended to have not onely applyed themselves
above, but actually procured the archbP'^ license, and showed an in-
strument with a seal to it to the ignorant people. But I soon found it
was a cheate ; the archbp. haveing granted none, and haveing given
a strict charge in his office that none should be granted, (as he told
me himself,) without acquainting the bp. of the diocese with it. But
for fear of the worst, I will write to his grace by the next post, and
let him know what the sectaries pretend ; who, I am sure, will stop
the granting of a licence, or revoke it, if any have been granted.
Which I think you need not fear ; for after a great deal of vapouring
at Littleport al)t. the licence they said they had got, the fellow durst
not appear at the sessions, nor come to me, but ran the country.
" I am, Sir, your assured friend and brother,
Ely, Aug. J, 1697. " Sy. Eliens.' "
The editor is indebted to the Rev. Dr. Jacobson, Regius Professor
of Divinity, and Canon of Ch. Ch., for the knowledge of six letters
written by Patrick to Wake, in the years 1 700—1, and preserved in the
library of Christ Church, Oxford. They are not such as to call for
insertion at length, relating chiefly to researches set on foot by
Wake in the various diocesan and capitular registries, for materials
for his work on the State of the Church and Clergy in England,
against Atterbury. The longest adverts to Patrick's having em-
ployed his mediatory offices with Tenison for permission to dedicate
t- Cole MSS. 5831, fol. 148.
cliv
EDITOR'S PPEFACE.
the book to the archbishop. In his preface, written in 1703, Wake
makes recognition of the ser\'ices rendered to him by Patrick among
other bishops. — p. 15.
Particulars of family history from Bishop Patrick's
OWN time to the present day.
Particular notice is due, in the first place, to the memory of the
bishop's only brother, John Patrick. This eminent scholar and
theologian was born at Gainsborough more than five years later
than his brother Symon, the date of his baptism (that of his birth
not stated) being registered on the 4th of April, 1632, that of
Symon, Sept. 18, 1626: the latter having been born on the eighth
of that month. Archdeacon Knight's notice of John Patrick's cha-
racter and career contains the fullest particulars that can be ascer-
tained. " He was admitted," it states, " into Queens College
under y^ same tutor as his brother, Mr. Wells, 3 July, 1647 c, so
cou'd not be much younger than his brother, who was admitted in
1644: it is certain they were both hard students, and there was a
laudable emulation between them to excell in all parts of good and
useful learning, in which both afterwards made so considerable a
figure in the church^. He was at Batersey till by his brothers in-
terest he removed to the Preachership of the Charter- House, where
he continued to his death : the leysure he enjoyed here was very pro-
fitably spent for y* use of y^ publick. The first book he published
seems to be his Reflexions upon y' Devotions of if Roman Church,
&c. printed 1674, and another edition afterward. He did not put his
name to it, but is generally known to be his^. common singing
Psalms being by length of time, and obsolete phrases, hardly intel-
ligible, he obliged world with a new version of them : and how
he succeeded, the acceptance it has mett with is a suflicient evi-
dence, shewing his excellent talent in divine poetry. For although
there has been another since published by two celebrated poets, yet
c Joh. Patricke Lincolniensis admissus sizator Tutore M"> Wells. [Kegr. Coll.
Regin.]
^ [The Eegister of Queen's records that John Patrick matriculated there
July 10, 1647, graduated B. A. in Jan. 165^, and M. A. in 1654 ]
• He had in a good measure prepared a 2d part of this book, containing
ye Devotions paid by the papists to y* Virgin Mary, &c., but this was never
published.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
cIt
by good judges our doctors performance seems to be most valued,
as being more agreeable to the Divine spirit of the royal Psalmist,
and more suitable for common use; this came out first in 12°, 1684.
By his brothers interest in Lloyd, then Bp. of Peterborough, he
got y^ first Prebend in that Church^; soon after, in K. James 2 '
reign, he was one of those protestant champions who writt boldly
against popery : his first attack was ag* their chief bulwark, Tran-
substantiation, which he proved to be no doctrine of the primitive
fathersS, being a defence of ye Dublin letter. Then he set forth a
Full view of y' doctrines and practices of Ancient Church, relating
to y^ Eucharist, wholly different from those of y^ present Roman
Church, and inconsistent with y^ belief of Transubstantiation, being
a sufficient confutation of Consensus veterum, Nubes Testium, and
other late collections of the fathers, pretending y^ contrary, 4to.;
as also another (viz.) The Virgin Mary misrepresented by y" Roman
Church, in y" traditions of that Church concerning her life and glory,
and in devotions paid to her as mother of God : both shewed out of
y" office of that Church, y« lessons on her Festivals, and from their
allowed authors. Part i. wherein two of her Feasts, her Conception,
and Nativity are considered. It was expected that the ingenious
author of this diverting discourse wou'd have obliged the world with
a 2d part of this work, and so teach the papists at length to grow
ashamed of their intolerable superstitions towards y^ Virgin Mary ;
but ye times cleared up, and there was no farther occasion for that
trouble. As D"" J.Patrick had always a very high opinion of Chil-
lingworths Rational defence of y« protestant Religion, in his known
book of y6 Religion of protestants a safe way to Salvation, so he
took ye pains to abridge it, for common use, and pubhsht it with
some other pieces never before extant, in 4to, 1687. Moreover
finding y^ monument of that great man in the cloisters belonging to
ye Cathedral Church at Chichester almost wholly defaced and ruined,
at his own proper cost and charge he reedified it again in a very
decent manner ; the Inscription on which being omitted by y* late
author of his life (Mayzeaux), it may be found amongst y* collec-
tions at ye end of this work ; ye Inscription was put up by D'" Whitby,
' [Collated July 1, installed July 11, 1685. — Le Neve, ii. 544.]
f Transubstantiation no doctrine of the primitive Fathers, &c. 4to. Lond.
1687.
clvi
EDITOK'3 PREFACE.
and broken down by Captain Chej'nel : y* present erected bv John
Patrick, Chantor of Chichester, was repaired by ye Dean and Chap-
ter in I 725, and some mistakes amended in it.
"After ye Revolution, in ye year 1 69 1 , Arch Bp.Tillotson presented
him with his Doctors degree in Divinity ; and soon after, his brother
being Bishop of Chichester, made him Chanter of that Church, to
wch ye preb. of Oving is annexed, which was conferred on him 28
of July, i6goli, upon ye deprivation of Rob. Jenkins, for not taking
y- oaths (who was, after he complied, M"" of St. John's College in
Cambridge, and Margaret Professor of ye University, which, w'h ye
prebend of Peterborough, was all ye preferment he ever had, as I can
find.) I shou'd not omitt his good skill in mathematical studies,
which appears from several vollumes in that science written by his
own hand, and probably designed for ye presse. In his will bearing
date ye 6th of December, 1695, after some legacies and charities, he
constitutes his brother, then Bp. of Ely, sole executor. His chief
substance was his books, which cost him above a thousand pounds,
which, with the remainder of what he had, fell to him : there were
few in his time who had so extensive a knowledge of books, which
made his library ye more valuable. I know not how it came to
passe, he had some enemies who traduced him as not well affected
to ye established church, which did some time put a stop to his pre-
ferment, as appears by a letter of Bp. Lloyd, of Peterb.: but the
contrary appears in all his writings he published."
The following inscription marks the spot where his remains are
interred in the chapel of the Charter-house. —
" Here lyes the body of John Patrick, D. D., preacher to this
house 24 years, who departed this life 19 Dec 1695. His works
praise him."
Bishop Patrick had an only sister, Mary, married to the Rev. Ro-
bert Middleton, rector of Cuckfield, Sussex, a liberal supporter of
the Society for promoting Christian knowledge, to which he be-
queathed a quantity of books. A legacy of £50 was bequeathed to
her in a codicil to her brother's will. — Vol. ix. p. 675. The date of
Mrs. Middleton's death, on a slab in Cuckfield church, is Nov. i,
1708, that of her husband's burial, in the register. May 14, 1713.
^ [Installed July ig, 1690 Le Neve, i. 266 ; bishop Patrick's Register in
the Chapter hoizse at Chichester.]
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
clvii
The Bishop's widow, Penelope, whose family history and connec-
tions, together with the romantic circumstances attending her mar-
riage, have been detailed in the Autobiography, and accompanying
notes, survived her husband's loss nearly eighteen years. Where
and how the residue of her days was spent, has not been placed on
record, nor is any thing known concerning her charactei- and private
history, beyond the few traits which her husband's affectionate and
almost reverential notices suffer to be recognised. Her remains
lie with those of her husband in the cathedral at Ely, and at the
foot of his monument the following inscription to her memory is
subjoined. —
" In the vault underneath, with the late Bp. Patrick, lyes his pious
relict Mrs. Penelope Patrick, aged 79 years, who died at St. Ed-
mund's Bury, the 10th of April, 1725, esteemed when living by all
that knew her, and very much regretted by the poor of that place,
who have felt the want of her frequent and liberal beneficence."
The Bishop's only surviving son, Symon, was born Oct. 2, 1680,
and baptized the day following'. Having begun his education at
Etonl^, he proceeded to Cambridge, where he entered at his father's
college in 16971, graduated there, became fellow, and M. A. in
170J On the 14th of June, 1702, he was joined by his father's
hands in marriage with Ann Fountayne, the eldest daughter of
a v,realthy country gentleman at Melton, whose ancestrv for three
generations has been traced in the Patrick pedigree. On his fa-
ther's death he came into possession of the estate which the bishop
had purchased at Dalham, in Suffolk, in the hope of perpetuating
his family as territorial proprietors. In that hope he was not des-
tined to be gratified. The son's extravagant and wasteful habits
were not long in involving the property in serious embarrassments,
and on his death an act of parliament was obtained, enabling his
executors to sell the Dalham estate, in order to clear off debts and
encumbrances. He died Nov. 20, 1711, and is buried at Dalham.
A sermon of his, " Against Judging and Censuring," preached be-
fore queen Anne at Windsor, Aug. 31, 1707, and published by royal
command, reached a second edition in 1709. His only son, likewise
named Symon, was born March 23, 1706, and in due time entered
at Catherine hall, Cambridge, where he took the degree of B. A. in
' Vol. ix. p. 472. k p 1 p
" Catalogue of Cambridge Graduates.
clviii
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
1726, and that of M. A. in 1730". A note in Cole's MS. Collec-
tions in the British Museum, vol. xlii. fol. 269, records that " Simon
Patrick, of Catherine hall, was appointed scholar of modern history
by royal mandate. May 31, 1725." He appears to have held some
appointment in the customs, since among the Lansdowne MSS. (8),
in the British Museum, a letter is preserved from Symon Patrick to
Ward, professor of rhetoric at Gresham college, on the subject of the
returns of Excise, and application of divers public monies, dated Oct. 7,
1736. He died Oct. 4, 1739, ^^'^ ^'^'^ certainly married, but appears
to have left no issue; in a testamentary paper, dated Aug. 19,1739,
mention being made of "my dear and newly married wife Eliza-
beth," to whom he bequeathes the sum of four thousand pounds.
The letters of administration taken out after his death describe him
as " formerly of Foulbriggs, city of Edinburgh, but late in the parish
of St. Martins in the Fields, co. Middlesex." His certificate of burial
of in St. Martin's church is dsted Oct. 9, 1739. With him the bi-
shop's male issue terminated, and the family name became extinct.
The family, however, has been perpetuated in the female line. The
bishop's son Symon left three daughters; of whom the eldest, Pene-
lope, born July 21, 1704°, became the second wife of the right hon.
Edward Weston, and left two sons, who died without issue P : the
second, Ann, born March 18, 1707, died in infancy, Jan. 12, 1712 :
the third, Judith, married Dr. John Thomas, bishop successively of
St. Asaph, Lincoln and Salisbury, and died childless 1; and the fifth
and youngest, Catherine, died unmarried, and was interred at Bury
St. Edmund's, Jan. 9, 1792, aged 82 years'". Through the fourth of
these female descendants alone is the family represented at the
present time. Mary, the youngest but one, born Oct. 18,1719,
became on the 5th of October, 1730, the wife of John Kerrich, M.D.
of Bury St. Edmund's, through which union a numerous succes-
sion of living descendants may trace their ancestry, by converging
lines, to the same venerable prelate. The accompanying genealo-
gical table will indicate with sufficient clearness the several families
that in the generation now current are entitled to claim aflfinity with
him. Sundry relics of their ancestor continue to be cherished with
n Catalogue of Cambridge Graduates. o Vol. ix. p. 557.
P Nicholls' Literary Anecdotes, iii. 216. The sons are mentioned in their aunt
Mrs. Thomas' will. 1 Burke's Landed Gentry, art. ' Kerrich.' Regis-
ter of Bury St. Edmund's.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
clix
pious care as heirlooms in more than one household of the series.
Among these are his portrait and that of his lady, by Lely, his study -
clock, in perfect preservation, certain books, pictures, and articles of
china.
Some allusion may be expected to be made here to bishop Patrick's
characteristics of person and carriage. On this point no information
has come down beyond what can be gathered fi'om the numerous
pictures and engravings which are extant. Several of the later edi-
tions of his works exhibit his portrait as a frontispiece, engraved in
general from the painting by Kneller preserved in the chapter house
of Ely cathedral. Another picture of him, said to be by Lely,
hangs in the gallery of Lambeth palace. To judge from these
representations, so far as the conventional style of portraiture then
in vogue permits the natural features to be reahsed, Patrick must
have been tall and powerfully framed, his countenance grave, mas-
sive and well defined, inclining towards sadness, if not severity, in
expression, but relieved by a look of greater light and tenderness
about the eyes. He is habited in his episcopal robes, and is de-
picted as he must have appeared at the time of his first elevation
to the bench, before the hand of time had told with serious effect
upon a constitution, which, somewhat impaired by too sedulous de-
votion to study in early youth had by temperate and careful usage
become capable of supporting the ceaseless labours of a protracted
hfe.
At this point the proper functions of the editor terminate. In
laying aside a task, the discharge of which has often brought pain-
fully home to his mind the consciousness of many causes of disquali-
fication for so varied and arduous a commission of literary trust, he
feels himself compelled to crave, at the hands of the public, a lenient
consideration of such shortcomings and omissions as may be de-
tected in these volumes, as well as of casual errors and inaccuracies
of statement,
" quas aut incuria fudit,
Aut humana parum cavit natura."
He has little fear of a harsh construction of such failings, from those
who have learnt by experience to realise the difficulty of sustaining
' See vol. ix. p. 427.
clx
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
the attention without flagging or wandering through so continuous
an effort, concurrently with the numberless calls and interruptions
incident to a sphere of active ministerial duty. The reader is at
the same time requested to understand, that for all matters, whether
of fact or sentiment, advanced in the preface or notes to the following
volumes, the editor is to be considered as wholly and solely respon-
sible.
A more grateful task remains, in the duty which finally devolves
upon him, of expressing his sense of obligation to those friends, by
whose aid and cooperation his work has been in no slight degree
facilitated. Not to attempt an effort wholly beyond his power, the
acknowledgment of every individual quarter from which valuable
assistance has been derived, he would make particular and thankful
recognition of the kind offices of John Percy Baumgartner, Esq., to
whom he is indebted for the loan of the valuable collection of docu-
ments, repeatedly referred to in the notes and preface, bequeathed
by Dr. Knight. To John Kerrich, Esq., of Geldeston Hall, Norfolk,
and the Rev. T. V. Fosbery, vicar of St. Mary's, Reading, he has to
express his obligation for important particulars of information con-
nected with the family history of their great relative ; as well rts to
the Rev. John Marriott, of Bradfield, Berks, for the use of numerous
printed copies of bishop Patrick's works, several of them rare, and not
otherwise to be met with. His grateful thanks are likewise due to
the directors of the various public institutions at which he has been
privileged to carry on his inquiries ; particularly to Felix Kny vett,
Esq., whose uniform courtesy he has had frequent occasion to expe-
rience during his researches in the library of Lambeth Palace.
Paddington,
Dec. 17, 1858.
ALEXANDER TAYLOR.
PEDIGREE OF THE FAMILY OF PATRICK.
I. Mary I?liesant,
sister to P'jter Pile-
sant, J. C. P.,
bur. Dec. 4, 1587,
SYMON PATRIKE,=ri.DorotheaCartwright,^3. Suian Moigne,
Gentleman, ofCaistor,
Line. d. 1613,
bur. Sept. 30. 1601.
Syinon,
uf S. Peter'ii
College, Cam-
bridge, and
Lincoln's Inn,
bapt. Oct. 28,
15S5.
Vincent,
bnr. .Tan
.11,1619
.1
William,
bapt. N..\
14. 1590,
bnr. Apr. 2
1591-
bapt
Mar.
Edward,
biipt. Sept.
22. 1=94.
John,
bapt, Sept.
10, 1595.
Henry, t= Mary Naylo
bapt.
Sept. 5,
1596,
d. Aug.
16. ir.65.
Vincent,
Eiiward, John, Elizabeth, Frances.
Bridget,
bapt. Jan.
12, 1598,
bur. Feb.
22, ifio^.
Thomas,
hupt. Mar.
24,' 1599.
Marj'.
bapt. Mar.
29, 160 [.
Faith,
bapt. Dec.
19, 160?.
Elizabeth,
bapt. Jan.
bur, Apr
3. 16:;.
Sir Jolin Dynhain. ^ Penelope
I. Laur. Banastre, =p Mary."
William Lewis, =p Margaret.
Alicia, -7- tien. Je]>hson,
ofFroyle.
Mai-y, = Myles
Sandys.
Thomas, Edward,
d, s. p. d.- .1. p.
Mary, = Wilham, Denham. Anttmy,
d. 1691.
SYMON PATHICK, Bish.i
b, Sept. S.1626.
il. May.U.' 707.
Peiieluf,.; Jt.|.hs
b. 1^,46. m..hm.
ir)7v.l Apr To,i
William,
b. July I. 1678,
d. July 12, 1678,
Penelope,
b. Dec. I. 168.5 .
d. Sept. 10, 1687
John, Mary, = Rev. R(
liapt, Apr. ly, 167,2, d. Nov. i, rector
l*t(.-:icber U> the Charter-House, 1708.
d. Dec. 19, 1695.
Thomas Foiintaimr, -r- Anne Chester.
bertMiddleton.
ofCuckfield,
Sussex .
John, -
Tliomae Sherlock, = Juditli.
Symon, ^ Anne Fountaine,
b. Oct. 2, 1679, m. June T4.
d. Nov. 20.
Symon.
b. Mar. 23,
1706, ob. 3, p.
Oct. 4, 17.(9.
Penelope,
b. July 21,
704, m. Jan,
R. Hon. Ed. Weston. = 2 Anne
of Sonierby. Fountaine.
Anne,
b. Mar. 18,
1 707, d. Jan.
Dr. John Thomas,
hp, of Salisbury,
= Juditli. .)uhu Kerrich,:
b.Xov.4,1708. M.D.ofBury.
Will dated m. Oct. 5,
Dct, 18, 1750. '".^fi-
: Mary,
b. Oct. 1 8,
1709.
Catherine,
bur. Jan. 9,
179^-
a.'ed 83.
John kerrich,=y: Amelia,
of Harleston,
Norfolk,
b. Aug. 18,
1733, d. Aug.
795-
d. of Symon
Keirich of
Harleston.
Esq. ob. Nov.
27. >797-
Walter,
Canon of
Salisbury,
b. Apr. 24.
.1. iSo.i.
=p Christian,
d. of Rev,
E W.Wyneve,
of Chelsworth,
Suffolk.
Thoma.s, =f: Alice Drew,
Rector of
Horringer.
of Chedburgli.
Walter,
Rector of
Paulempury.
Edwai-d,
ob. Jmi. 6,
1811, s, p.
John,
b.i9Nov.
ob. Apr.
1S12.
: Elizabeth,
eld. d of John
Walker of
Walls End,
Northumber-
land, ob. at
Nantes, 19
Amelia, =^
ih. 14 Feb.
1807,
iieorge Goocii, Esq.
Capt. H.E.LC.S,
Emily Sarah. = Rev. T. V. Fosbery.
eorgiaua, = R. Cooke Fowler,
of Gunton Hall, Suffolk.
.1
John Kerrich, = Mary Eleanor,
ofGuIdeston Hall, eldest survi>nng d,
Norfolk. Esq. of John Fitzgerald,
1>. Dec. !2, 179S. of Nascby, Esq.
Thomas,
of Florence,
b, Dec. 30.
1S03.
Harriet Frances,
d. of George
Baring,
Edwarii, = Marv Evelyn Susan,
b,Jan.i3, d, of Rich. Fuller,
1803. Esq. ofWoodton,
Su^Te^ -
Adeline, =^Kev. E.H. Hopper
(now Hhipperdson)
of Walworth,
Durham.
[T(. face J., clx. vnl. !.
LIST
OF
EDITIONS.
ABUL-PHARAGIUS, Specimen histovise Arabiim, ed. Pocorko. 4to. Oxon.
1650.
Achilles Tatius. 8vo. Lips. 182 1.
Alting, Jacobus, Opp. fol. Amst. 1687.
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Scobell, Edward, Collection of Ordinances, &c. of Parliament, fol. Lond. 1658.
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Ussher, James, Works. 8vo. Dubhn, 1847.
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Walton, Brian, Biblia Polyglotta. fol. Lond. 1655-57.
Whitaker, Opp. foL Aurel. 16 10.
Wilkins, David, Concilia, fol. Lond. 1737.
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Zuinglius, Opp. fol. Tig. 1 530.
ADDITIONAL AND CORRECTIVE NOTES.
VOL. I.
P. II, note line i, read "Tliis is one."
P. 65, last line, read I Cor. xi. 24.
P. 170, line 10, read Diognetus.
P. 255, note read Matt. xxi. 44.
P. 390, note, ieiirvov . . [An epigram on the nearly identical theme, Tpdirf^a
airSvTwv Toiv (ptKuf (pdrvr) ireAej, or Mensa tniita prcesepe, occurs among the
MusEe Subsecivfe of Dr. James Duport, p. 168.]
VOL. II.
P. 54, note *>. [See Editor's Preface, p. Ixii.]
P. 541, note 1', add [Conf. Gemara Sanhedrin, cap. xi. § 76. apud J. Cocc.
torn. ix. p. 263.]
Ibid, note read xi. 46.
P. 608, in the heading supply the word " Apostles."
VOL. III.
P. 362, note 1, read John i. 31.
P. 401, note read 2 Tim. iv. 8.
P. 526, note ^, read Ecclus. iii. 21.
P. 527, note read Ecclus. iii. 25.
P. 553, note ^, read ywaLKiiSea.
VOL. IV.
P. 3, add to note [Sir H. Ellis, in his Second series of Original Letters,
vol. i. p. 256, has given a letter from father Augustine Baker to sir Robert
Cotton (Cotton MSS. in Brit. Mus. Jul. C. iii. fol. 187.), in which he makes a
request for books of a devotional or contemplative cast for the use of his sister-
hood at Cambridge ; and adds, " I wishe I had Hilton's Scala Perfectionis in
Latin : it woulde help the understanding of the English (and some of them
understande Latin)."]
P. 139, line 33. . . "a great restorer of learning." [Bacon, letter to Mat-
thew, vol. xii. p. 93.]
P. 177, line 15. "one of the ancient guides. " add note [" Valde absurdum est
nimia saturitate veUe honorare martyrem, quern scias Deo placuisse jejuniis.
— Hieron. Epist. xxxi. torn. i. col. 149 E.]
Additional and Corrective Notes.
clxix
P. i8o. lin. penult., read "arts men."
P. 334, note line 5, read "Paula and"
P. 433, line 17. "the poor Norwegian." [Balzac, letters by sir R. Baker,
p. 3'-]
P. 435, note a. [The discourse alluded to ia The Glorious Epiphany, vol. iii.
pp. 347-492.]
P. 725, note read Acts ii. 41, 42.
P. 764, note, line 6, read 1555.
VOL. V.
P. 38, line 15, read PriEsentes.
P. 169, line 10. "follow Providence against a precept," .. [See Gauden'a
Ecclesiae Anglicanse Suspiria, p. 133.]
P. 230, note 7, read " JEh. Lamprid."
P. 285, note «, col. 2. 10. " A letter" . . . [This letter is printed in the pre-
face to the collected edition of Bridge's Works.]
P. 318, note j, line 13, read Feb. 164^.
P. 348, line 13. " bibble-babble." [This sarcastic comparison was not con-
fined to the puritanic side of the controversy. In a broad sheet containing
Cartwright's six articles with Scripture proofs, bound up with a volume of
Mar Prelate libels, in the library of Lambeth Palace, are " Certaine minorall
and metaphysical school pointes to be defended by the reverende bishops," &c.,
of which the eighth is —
8. "That the long prayers of the Puritans before and after their sermons are
nothing but beeble-bable, beeble-bable."
" The defendant in this point is father John of Fulham, in M. Cawdrie's Ex-
amination." The phrase is also found in Shakspeare.]
P. 348. " Porridge." add note. [" There hath been a disturbance in a church
in Friday St. ; a great many young people knotting together and crying out
' Porridge I ' often and seditiously in the church ; and they took the Common
Prayer Book, they say, awaj', and some say, did tear it." — Pepys' Diary,
Aug. 24, 1662. Compare lord Braybrooke's note.]
P. 363, line 23, read "N. C."
P. 507. "as one doth on another occasion to his countrymen." [Balzac to
Hyda.spe, Baker's translation, p. 134.]
P. 633, note y, col. 2, line 4, for " Plut." read " Plat."
Ibid. col. I, line 15, read " 1566."
P. 682, line 27, read " ever in."
P. 683, line 23, read " Church of God."
VOL. VI.
P. 32, note '', col. 2, lino 10, read Girald.
P. 112, note*, add [These propositions were printed at length under the
title of "Two papers of proposals concerning the Discipline and ceremonies of
the Church of England, humbly presented to his majesty by the rev. ministers
of the presbyterian persuasion. London, printed in the year 1661."]
P. 185, line 16, read "children."
clxx
Additional and Corrective Notes.
P. 211, note read " William Sedgwick."
P. 327, note read James ii. 13.
P. 441, line 35, dele the comma at the end of the line.
P. 451, note B, read Ecclus. xi. 7.
P. 456, line 23, dele I.
P. 578, line 29. "He that repeats," &c. [Plantavit. Floril. Rabbin. § 109,
p. 17.]
VOL. VII.
P. 125, note read Tit. ii. 12.
P. 253, note line 5, and P. 255, note ^, line 2, for Eccles. read Ecclus.
P. 288, line 19, read Possevine.
Ibid, line 23, transfer the reference letter ° to ' Basil ' in the next line.
P. 307, line 23, read James v. 14.
P. 316, line 8, read Hebr. xi. 39, 40.
P. 317, note y, read 1 Pet. iii. 19.
P. 448, note P, read [Ps. xi. 7 ; xviii. 25, &c.
P. 569, note \ read [P. 361 A.]
P. 573, note y, read [Col. i. 28, 29.]
P. 613, note col. 2, line 2, for the read and.
VOL. VIII.
P. 143, Une 37, . . ."For truth is great and will prevail." add note [Magna
est Veritas et praevalet, is the Vulgate version of 3 Esdr. iv. 41.]
P. 172, note for"0 read'Oi.
P. 292, note read i(rxi'p($Tepo«'.
P. 3 1 5, note >>, for Cyr. read Gr.
P. 629, note", add [Of the numerous discourses on this memorable storm
which have come down, the most noteworthy is one by Joseph Hussey, M. A.,
replete with the most copious and fanciful stores of learning. Talbot bishop
of Oxford preached on the fest-day appointed for its commemoration before the
house of lords.]
VOL. IX.
P. 303, line 6, read chap. ii. 18.
P. 356, line 29, /or juro read jure.
P. 415, note ^, line antepen., read Cantabrigiensis.
P. 422, note s, line antepen., for his read his son's.
P. 423, line 19, . . .' imposition of their hands,'. . . add note —
[The certificate of orders accorded to Patrick on this occasion, a printed form
on vellum, filled up ^\-ith the names, dates, &c., is preserved among the Tanner
papers in the Bodleian library.
"Forasmuch as Mr. Simon Patricke, M' of Arts, hath addressed himself to
tlie first Classical Presbytery within the Province of London, according to the
Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament of Aug. 28, 1646, ' For the Ordination
Additional and Corrective Notes.
clxxi
of MinieterB by the Classical Presbyters,' desiring to be Ordained a Preaching
Presbyter, for that he is called to the work of the Ministry as fellow of Queen's
Coll. in Cambridge : and hath exliibited into the Presbytery sufficient Testi-
moniall (now remaining in their custody) of his competent age, of his unblame-
able life and conversation, of his diligence and proficiency in his studies, and of
his fair and direct calling unto the forementioned place : — We the Ministers of
the said Presbytery, have (by appointment thereof) Examined him according
to the Tenour of the said Ordinance, and finding him to be duely qualified and
guifted for that holy Office and imployment (no just Exception being made
against his Ordination or Admission) we have Approved him ; and accordingly
in the Church of Albanus, Wood Street, in London, upon the day and year
hereafter expressed, we have proceeded solemnly to set him apart to the Office
of a Preaching Presbyter, and work of the Ministry, with Fasting, Prayer, and
Imposition of hands : and do hereby (so farre as concerneth us) actually Admit
him unto the said Charge, there to perform all the Offices and duties of a faith-
full Minister of Jesus Christ. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed
our Names this 8th day of Aprill, Anno Dom., 1653.
" Simeon Ashe. Edm. Calamy.
George Smalwood. Tho. Case.
John Wels. Samuel Balmford." —
—Tanner MSS. 52, fol. 6.]
P. 4+2, note ^, line 19, read as "a noble.
P. 450, note line 3, read 1668.
P. 460, note y, col. I, lin. penult., "Stockport." [This seems to be a mistake
of Sir Bernard Burke's for Stockbridge. See Carlyle's Cromwell, ii. 105 ; Browne
Willis, Not. Pari. iv. 235, 249, 283. Ludlow, however, in his Memoirs, p. 246,
and the writer of an anonymous royalist tract in the Harleian Miscellany, iii.
464, include Col. Jephson among the Irish members. The latter, who sat for
Cork and Youghall, was more probably the son of the member for Stockbridge.
According to Parker he was hanged for rebeUion in Ireland. — Parker's Own
Time, p. 71.]
P. 461, lin. ult., "a paper in this form." [In the MSS. in the Lambeth library
(982, fol. 65) is a similar vow of chastity taken by a daughter of Sir Patrick
Bellew, Sept. 27, 1693.]
P. 475, line 27, ...'about this time.'... [In the year 1680 Patrick offi-
ciated at the interment of Samuel Butler, the author of Hudibras, which took
place at St. Paul's, Covent Garden. — See Baldwyn's edition of Hudibras, vol. i.
p. 9. note. 8vo. 18 19.]
P. 495, line 21, ...'ink mixed with the Sacramental wine.'. . . [This cere-
mony was observed by pope Theodore, in signing the deposition of Pyrrhus. —
Baron., A.D. 648. § 14. Also in the case of Photius, deposed at Constanti-
nople, A.D. 870. — Fleury, li. § 46 ; and in the treaty of peace between Charles
the bald and Bernard count of Toulouse.— See Larroque, Hist, de I'Eucharistie,
Du Pin,&c., N. and Q., 2 S. iii. 438, and Bemino, HLst. de tutte le heresie, ii.
236, quoted in Southey's Common Place Book, iii. 424.]
P. 517, note m, line 17, . . .'Bodleian Library.' add [A copy of the same bill
in MS., as modified on its second introduction, and endorsed, "per M.Hum-
phrey, Oct. 1696," is preserved among the MSS. in the Lambeth library (930,
f. .65.)]
clxxii
Additional and Corrective Notes.
P. 567, note line 5, fur Lewis read Lawrence.
P. 569, note line Sj for summer read spring.
Ibid., note ^, lin. iilt., . . . Moore, add [The positive decLaration of Dr. Knight,
who assigns this epitaph to bishop 3Ioore, has been preferred to the doubtful
statement of the Biographia Britannica, in which it is said to have been written
by Dr. Long, bishop of Norwich.]
P. 584, line 30, . . .'forerunner of the plague.'. . [Patrick was fond of specula-
tions of this nature. Samuel Hartlib, a common friend, had written both to
liim and Worthington, Aug. 10, 1661, an account of a singular epidemic ac-
companied or caused by multitudes of minute animalcules or worms. His
report had been obtained from Mr. Beal, a naturalist of great sagacity, of
Yeovil in Somersetshire, Ln which county the distemper had been very preva-
lent, and had attacked his three daughters, being looked upon as a prognostic
of the plague.
Kennet quotes an extract from another letter of Hartlib to the same, dated
Aug. 24, 1 66 1. "The former passages which I wrote unto you in my last out
of Mr. Beal's letter I sent likewise to worthy Mr. Patrick, who writes in his
last, 'I thank you for communicating to me Mr. Beal's letter. I remember Kir-
clier in his book de Peste saith that in pestilential diseases he hath found the
blood and tumours (when there were any) full of worms.' " — Keg. p. 871.]
P. 597, line 5, for nearly read newly.
AQUA GENITALIS:
A DISCOUUSE
CONCERNING
BAPTISM.
First delivered in a Sermon at Alhallows, Lombard Street,
Octob. 4, 1658, and now a little enlarged.
Into which is since inserted a Brief Discourse to persuade to a
Confirmation of the Baptismal Vow.
Nl^ov avofirifxa i^r] [jLovav oxj/iv.
" Circumcision is that of the hewrt, in the spirit, and not in
tlie letter." — Rom. ii. 29.
READER,
READER,
It is not needful to detain thee with many words about the matter
or author of this treatise. The matter I am sure will commend itself
to thee, if thou wilt be pleased seriously and impartially to read and
consider it. And as for the author, I must not, without displeasing'
him, say anything of him, but only give thee the true reason of the
publication of this discourse ; which I dare afBrni on my credit is
not from any itching desire to appear in print ; and I believe, none
that know him but will bear witness with me in his behalf. The sub-
stance of it was at my earnest entreaty first preached, and afterwards,
for mine and the satisfaction of some other friends, transcribed :
and because I would not give him the trouble of transcribing so
many copies as were desired, and he not judging it safe to give
liberty to other copies that were not writ by himself ; and I, to-
gether with others, judging it of singular use for the begetting of
right apprehensions of baptism in these days of so much contest ; I
made it my further request it might be printed, and with his leave
have now sent it abroad, which I could not in civility do, without
this acknowledgment of the higher honour he hath done me herein,
which I doubt not but will prove as real a service to thee and the
truth. Whatever advantage thou shalt reap from it, ascribe the
praise to God, and look upon thyself as concerned to pray for the
author ; and let him also have a share in thy prayers, who hath been
an occasion of so great a good unto thee, and is
Thy servant in the Lord,
E. V[aughan a.]
» [A minister in Lombard Street, at
whose request the Sermon was preached
and pubhslied : see Bishop Patrick's
Autobiography. He was probably a
nonconformist ; since his name does
not occur in the register of the bishop
of London, on which Newcoiut based
his account of the metropolitan clergy.]
PATRICK, VOL. I.
B
THE PREFACE.
I. All things coming from one Fountain and Father of being,
there must needs be some marks and characters of himself upon the
face of every one of them, and they cannot but have some cognation
vyith and resemblance of each other, as things that proceed out of
the same womb of the eternal Goodness. Material beings and spi-
ritual one would think were at the greatest distance, and yet they
challenge a kindred one with the other ; and there are lines and
strokes in these outward shapes that express something of those
internal and invisible beauties. All this world below is but the image
of the world above ; and these corporeal things are but pictures
(though pale indeed, and dull) of things spiritual ; as the tabernacle
of God among his ancient people may inform us. For as some
modern philosophers call the loadstone a terrella or ' little earth'','
which draws similar bodies into its embraces ; so Philoc somewhere
b [" Sphsericam in figuram magnes
adaptatus, formamque arte orbicula-
rem nactus, vere est genuina ejusdem-
que figurae telluris soboles ; quam
communi matri telluri natura a pritnor-
diis concessit : estque physicum cor-
pusculum excellentissimis virtutibus
imbutum ; et non male cum Gilberto
HtKpdyri, seu terrella, vel parva terra
dici potest." — Kircher, de Magnete,
lib. i. part 2. prop. lo. p. 57.
"Appcllatur hie lapis rotundus a
nobis iiiKp6yri, seu terrella." — Guil.
Gilbert, de Magnete, lib. i. cap. 4.
p. 14. 4to, Sidin. 1633.
In Gregory's Notes upon some pas-
sages of Scripture, chap. 12, an account
is given of " experiences made upon
the terrella or little earth of loadstone,"
&c. — Works, p. 56.
The terrella or orbicular magnet con-
structed by sir C. Wren still forms part
of the collection of the Royal Society.
See Grew's Rarities belonging to the
Royal Society, p. 364.]
c [Bpaxuj Kda-fios, — Philo de Mose,
lib. iii. torn. ii. p. 155.
The analogous idea as to the relation
subsisting between the natui-e of man
and the system of the universe entered
into the Pythagorean and other sys-
tems of philosophy. — 'O &vdpwitos fxi-
Kphs k6(Tixos \fyerat, ovx 'dri 4k tSiv
T«y<xapiav arotx^'ioov avyKUTai (tovto
■yap Kal (Kaarov ruv ^wuiv, zeal ru>v (h-
TfAeiTTaTdJc,) dAV on iraaras exei ras
rov nianov Zwdfieis Vit. Pythag.
anon, apud Phot. Biblioth. cod. 249.
p. 440. The later Platonists and
Christian wTiters of the mystic school
frequently speak of man as the micro-
cosm, his soul being informed by the
divine mind, and his body constituted
of the four elements. So Philo de
Plant. Noe, cap. 7. tom. i. p. 334 ; de
Mund. Opif., cap. 51. tom. i. p. 35;
Proclus in Timseum, p. i r. C.
Tlapa Twv a6<pu>v jxiicpds Tij flvai k6<t-
fios 6 avdptinxoi Kiyerai, ravra irfpiex^"
iv fOUTo! TO (TToixti^n, ofs rh irav crv/jLire-
vK-fipuTat. — Greg. Nyss.de Anim. et Rc-
surr. torn. iii. p. 188. 2vi'Sf(Tnos yap rts
&>v Kal (uixvpov (piKlas irauTos rov icSfffiov
& avSpuTTos, (I; audyKfji irduTa ra irpoei-
p-qfieva irepif'^ci Kara Tu a. avaXoyiav (v
yap ftpriTai irapa roh e^w, MiKphs kSct/xos
4 dvOpwiros Cosnias Iiidicopleustes,
Christian. Opin. de Mundo, lib. vii.
B 2
4
PREFACE.
calls the tabernacle a ' little world,' a small image of the whole uni-
verse, (the most holy resembling the highest heavens ; the holy
place the upper regions where the lights of the world are placed,
and where God hath set a tabernacle for the sun ; and the outward
court the lower parts and skirts, as we call them, of this world,)
whereby God would show that he could not dwell in houses made
with hands, but that the whole world was his temple, the souls of
men his altars, love his holy fire, and all men his sacrifices. And so
the apostle calls it ayiov Koa-fiiKov, a worldly sanctuary, perhaps in
this sense that I have mentioned. Now the same apostle after-
wards tells us ^, that this tabernacle and appurtenances were Itto-
bfiyfiara and avrirvTra, patterns axid fgures or copies of things in the
heavens ; and so doth the whole Scripture draw representations and
images of the other world, and things to come, from the sun, the
stars, the light, the feasts, and such hke things that are in this
wherein we inhabit.
2. Man is made bv God crvyyevrjs tcov fivo Koa-ficnv, as one speaks,
' of kin to two worlds,' the knot as it were that ties them both to-
gether, or the button that fastens them one to the other^ He lives
in the confines of each, and with his mind is capable to look into the
world of souls and spirits, and with his body he converses with these
material images. God therefore hath thought fit to teach his mind
the things of the one by the ministry of his bodily senses, which
have acquaintance only with the other. And besides the whole book
of the creatures, (every letter of which is full of God,) he hath
always given man some special lessons and documents by outward
characters, which he hath more industriously cut and engraven to
impress his mind with spiritual notions. For though man be iv fit-
Oopiia as I said, ' in the confines' of both worlds, yet he is bred
up among sensible creatures, and contracts acquaintance here, before
his soul is grown so high as to take any notice of things above ; and
therefore he being most afi'ected with the body's companions, it is
Montfaucon, Collect, nov. patr. Grsec. J. E. B. Mayor, p. 239.]
torn. iii. p. 289 A. <1 Heb. is. i. e lb. 23, 24.
itpav iv rrj KaV tavrhv (pvfffi t^i f Fibula utriusque ravmdi. [So Ter-
■KaaTis KTicrews rrjv uKova, 5i' o koX fit- tullian, — " Homo . . consertarum sub-
Kphs K6(Tfxos elpriTai. — Nemes. de Nat. stantiarum duarum quodammodo fibula
Horn. cap. i. torn. ii. p. 475 C. Bibl. est." — De Resurr. Cam. cap. 40. p-349.
vet. patr. Graec. fol. Par. 1624. Conf. ^wSeir/nos irdtrris KTlcr«vs, — Cosmas In-
Max. de Eccl. Myst. cap. 7. ibid. p. 180. dicopleustes, ut supra, lib. v. p. 210 E j
S. Gregory Xazianzen speaks of man et lib. iii. p. 172 E.]
as KSct/jlos '4t(pos if i^iKpf /xtyas, — Orat. S \^Ev fj.f8oplois aiaB^TTjS koI votjttji
xlv. §. 7. torn. i. p. 850 A. oua-i'oj. — Nemes. de Nat. Horn. cap. r.
See also the authorities quoted in the torn. ii. p. 497 A. Bibl. Vet. Patr. Gr.
Life of Nicholas Ferrar, by the Rev. fol. Par. 1624.]
PREFACE.
5
the singular care and providence of God to teach him by such things
as are most familiar to him, which he hath done in all ages of the
world. It was a custom among the ancients (as they report) before
the knowledge of letters and writings, to sing their laws, lest they
should forget them, which was in use among some people near to
Scythia in the days of Aristotle'^. And this is one reason why the
Psalms are in verse, because they would be the better remembered,
and more safely reposited, being a magazine of spiritual learning.
They knew vei-y well that what affects the senses and runs smoothly
is most regarded ; and we ourselves still experience that rhythms
which make a pretty noise or jingle are sooner fixed in people's
minds than words in prose. Seeing then that outward things do so
notably teach us, and the more any thing solicits any of our senses
the more acceptable it is unto us, God hath been pleased so to deal
with man that he shall not want such lessons.
3. This matter of discipline may be deduced from the first Adam
to the second. For God placed the first man in a paradise, a fair
and beautiful garden abounding with all manner of fruits, &c.
which was but a type of the celestial paradise above, that is watered
with streams of light from the face of God, and rivers of pleasures
from his love, in the midst of which the Son of God is the tree of
life. An image, I say, God gave him of heaven, but none as yet of
hell, because man was made to be happy. So God likewise gave
him a commandment (the matter of which was outward and sensible)
of abstaining from one tree in the garden ; which was but a docu-
ment of the subjection he did owe to his Creator, and of the tenure
whereby he held all his enjoyments. After his disobedience, men
were some way or other directed by him to make offerings to God
of their beasts and fruits as acknowledgments of their dependence
and homage, and adumbrations of the sacrifice of that seed that was
newly promised. In process of time, when obedience grew cold, and
their thoughts (it is like) of another life but dull, God took Enoch to
himself when he was but three hundred and sixty-five years old, to
teach them by themselves, as well as other things, that there was
another life, and a reward that remained for those that walked with
God, which was better than the longest term of years in these
earthly possessions. But wickedness still increasing, God destroyed
the world by a deluge of water ; which was but a shadow of the
dreadful showers of wrath, the streams of fire and brimstone, that
^ [Aia rl v6ixoi KaXovvrai o&s &h»v- wcvep iv ^ hyaQvpaois en tiuidaaiV ; —
aiv; *H 3ti Ttpiv itriaTaaBai ypafjiixara, Aristot. Problem, xix. 29.]
^5oy Toiis ySfiovs, Sirwi ixi) iviKdBuvTai,
6
PREFACE.
should fall upon the heads of the wicked in the other life, whereby
God would terrify the new planters of the world, and give them an
image of hell, as he had done before of heaven. But this was not a
lasting visible monument of God's anger, and therefore in after-times
Sodom and Gomoj-rha and the cities about them were set forth for an ex-
ample, suffering the vengeance of an eternal fire^ ; which places lay just
in the view and under the eye of that people whom God made pecu-
liar to himself, and served as continual marks of his displeasure, and
instances of his wrath, to make them for ever to beware. That pecu-
liar people God separated to himself by the sign of circumcision, the
seal of the covenant that he made with them. This mark was most
properly made in that part of their flesh, because the great promise
to Abraham was, that he would multiply his seed as the stars of
heaven, and that in his seed all the nations of the world should be
blessed^ ; and it aptly represents (besides other things) that they
were to be an holj/ seed unto the Lord. After this God did by two
persons, Jacob and Esau, shadow forth unto them, that his favours
are at his own disposal, and that they are not conferred by nature,
but by grace.
In the line of Jacob, besides that there were many mystical and
secret significations of his will, w-hich God made by sundry persons
and actions, there were also many outward manifest images given
of heavenly things. In the law that Moses delivered to them, their
several washings, their meats, their sacrifices (to name nothing else)
were all signs of all soils of purity and obedience, too many now to
be particularly related. Their offerings, and some of their sacrifices,
represented the obedience and services of particular Christians, who
are made priests unto God ; but the chiefest of them represented the
offering and sacrifice of the high priest of our profession, which was
Christ himself.
And (that I may not be tedious) when God would show the
greatest favour to the world, and open most of heaven and things
above, he comes and dwells amongst us in the person of his Son, and
in an outward shape manifests himself to our eyes and ears : for in
the verv humanity of Christ so much of divinity appeared, and the
majesty, wisdom, power and goodness of God so rayed forth, that
he saith to Philip, He that hath seen me hath seen the Father also^.
Yea, when God would give a testimony of Jesus to be his Son, he
doth it by the visible descent of the Holy Ghost, which he saw
coming down upon him like a dove ; as if he would tell us, that his
i Jude 7.
Gen. xxii. 17, 18.
' John .\iv. 9.
PREFACE.
7
own Son shall likewise be taught by these outward signs and re-
semblances, he being in all things to be conformed unto men.
4. Though our Lord therefore hath taught a religion more full of
spiritual notions than had been manifested before, and hath given
more clear notice of things above unto men's minds than had for-
merly come unto them, yet he would not quite alter the old manner
of discipline by outward things, but retains some of them in his
economy, knowing how weak the minds of men are, and how much
more easily they apprehend by sense than by themselves. Only it
is to be observed, that he hath made even these outward things to
speak more plainly, and tell their meaning more distinctly, and hath
writ their instructions in a greater and more legible letter than ever
before.
5. Baptism is one of those relics, a symbol of great and clear
significancy, the sacrament of regeneration, or the second birth ;
which it doth most aptly express, as the following treatise will sufB-
ciently show you. For the present it may suffice to say, that water
(of all things that are easy to be got, and are at hand) was the most
fit thing that can be thought on to be chosen to make an emblem of
the spiritual generation. For we naturally come out of a liquid
moist substance, out of a slimy water ; or in Job's phrase, We are
poured out like milk and then curdled in the womb like cheese ™. It is
not unusual in the scripture to speak of our natural procreation
under the metaphor of water, as may be discerned by consulting but
these two places, Prov. v. 15, 16, &c., ix. 17. And it is well known,
that while we lie in the womb, we swim in a sweet liquor, and hang
by the navel in the midst of a watery nourishment. Osiris and Isis,
if we may believe Plutarch were nothing in the Egyptian mytho-
logy but the river Nile and the earth, between which two all things
were begotten.
So the Scholiast upon the first verse of Pindar^ thinks, that
therefore water is to be reputed the best of things, because out of it
the other three elements are begotten ; out of the subtle part of it
the air is begotten ; out of the grosser, being curdled and compacted,
the earth ; and out of the more ethereal and spirituous part the
fire. But perhaps I do not well to pursue this notion so far, and
our Saviour might not have respect to such things as these. Yet
this we are sure of, that we must be born again 0/ water and the
Spirit P ,■ and that our spiritual nourishment, after Christ is conceived
Job X. 10. °Trjs Twv &.\\wv ytviatut aXriov. [in
n [De Isid. et Osir. p. 363 D : Cf. Olymp. i. i, torn. ii. part. 1. p. 22.]
Sympos. lib. viii. p. 729 B.] P John iii. ?.
8
PREFACE.
within us, is compared unto water also, as you may see, John iv. 14.
And I cannot but likewise think that he had some regard, in ap-
pointing baptism, to the cleansing and cooling quality that is in
water ; and that it excellently represents unto us the Spirit of God
to be poured forth to the purifying and washing us from the filth of
sin, and the blood of Christ to the extinguishing our guilt, and
quenching the heat of God's anger that might justly burn in our
souls, when we did remember that we were sinners.
6. But there have so many several -winds of doctrine blown upon
these waters of baptism, and strove together, that they are become
troubled and darkened ; so that one can scarcely see with any clear-
ness to the bottom of them.
The great controversies that have arose about the persons that
should be baptized have so tossed and agitated men's thoughts, that
I doubt few have any calm and settled apprehensions of the nature
and end of baptism itself. Most books that treat of this subject are
so concerned in the quarrel of infants, that the use which men
ought seriously to make of it is much forgotten. If men thought
more of its true ends, they would lay aside their disputes, or not
manage them so roughly ; and they would soon see that we are all
baptized into the same Spirit, and made of the same body, and
entered by it into the same society and community of holy and
peaceable ones. What more cool than water ? What sooner puts
out all our fires } If the waters of baptism (next to the blood of
Christ) were sprinkled upon our intemperate heats, they would as-
suage our boiling passions, and we should contain ourselves within
the due bounds of a loving and gentle zeal.
But, as I said, it is but little thought of for what Christ did insti-
tute this holy rite. Some look upon it but as a cold ceremony, and
many speak of it as a thing that must be done, because Christ hath
commanded, but cannot tell to what purpose; and others glory in it
as a privilege, but little understand any thing of duty thai it requires
of them.
Pliny q tells of a water in Cilicia, which is called, he saith, Novs, or
' Mind,' because it will make their senses that drink it subtle and
apprehensive. Suidas " on the contrary saith, that it is called "Afous,
or • Want-wit,' because it makes people foolish, and takes away
their understanding. Such a different esteem do men seem to have
of these waters of baptism ; while some who seem wise despise them
as of no efificacy, and use them only in compliance with simple
1 Hist. Nat. lib. xxxi. [cap. 12.]
[In voc. KfVxos, col. 2078 C]
PREFACE.
0.
people ; and others make them such heavenly matters, that they
doubt not at all but being baptized they are wise enough unto sal-
vation. But both of them are agreed in this, to understand no en-
gagement that is laid upon us by them, and to expect that what they
can do should be wrought alone by them, without any help or
assistance from ourselves. And we find the greatest multitude of
that sort, who glory in baptism, as the Jews did boast of circum-
cision ; who say in effect what Julian ^ (it is like fitlsely) makes Con-
stantius say, ' that our religion requires nothing of the greatest
sinners, but only this, Wash, and thou art clean from all thy foul
crimes ; and if thou commit them again, do but knock thy breast,
and beat thy head, and all is well.' But Justin Martyr might have
answered him, and gives us all another lesson in his dialogue with the
Jew ; where he saith, ' What good doth that baptism that scours the
skin only, and makes the body white .'' Baptize yourselves from
anger, and from covetousness, from envy and hatred, and then
behold your body is clean'.'
It is a sign and seal of God's great blessings, and so it is of our
promise to him of obedience. Upon condition then that we own
this covenant when we understand it, and keep ourselves strictly and
religiously to the terms of it, we may say of these waters, as Euri-
pides" of the sea (upon the occasion of Plato's recovery by the salt
waters in Egypt) ;
QaXaaira kXv^ci iravTa r dvdpwirw koko'
They ' wash away and heal all the evil diseases of men.' But other-
wise they will be like some waters in Thrace, in which whosoever
washed (if we may believe Vitruvius") he certainly died.
7. I have therefore adventured to expose to the world a few of my
green and unconcocted thoughts concerning this argument, and to
represent what I conceive to be the true meaning of baptism, which
is nothing different from the sense of the church of God. There are
a multitude of books, I know, in the world, and men complain of it.
They that do may let this alone ; and of others I may easily obtain a
pardon for putting myself into the crowd, since 1 take but up a little
room, and make but a very short stop in their passage to better
authors. Others, it may be said, might have been better allowed to
have handled this matter. I think so too ; and believe there are
' In bis Kai'ffapfs.— "OcTTis ^fayrjs Kal Spvyei ; k. t. A. [§. 14. p. 1 14 D.]
ffSe\vp6s, K.r.K. [torn. i. p. 336 A.] u [Iph'g- in Taur. i 193.]
t Ti' yap o<peKos (K^ivuv ^aTrnV/iaToj, x Vitruv. 1. viii. c. 3.
h TTfv arapKO. Kal fi6i'ov rh crufia <pat-
JO
PREFACE.
great numbers that understand better, and multitudes that under-
stand as much, and some that can enlarge these things that are here
said into more perspicuous and profitable discourses, and I dare not
so much as flatter myself that I am able to lead the way to any of
them. If I may provoke them to do better, I think my labour well
bestowed. I am sensible that the images of truth make but a weak
and waterish impression upon my mind ; but they may draw more
lively pictures of themselves upon others' souls, and let them give us
a copy of their conceptions.
8. Since the preaching of this sermon, it came so strongly into
my mind (by taking notice of some discourses abroad) to insert
something of confirmation, that I could not well put away those
thoughts ; and so I have let them take their place in the body of the
sermon, by way of persuasion to a more hearty and open owning of
the baptismal covenant.
Thereby men will ascend from water unto wine, from a weak
estate to a more strong and manly constitution : and God will not
only sprinkle clean water upon their faces, but even lay his hands
upon their heads: thereby taking more firm hold of them, and ap-
prehending them for his own, and conferring his blessings more
abundantly on them now that they put themselves into his hands, to
be directed and ruled in all things by him, as those that are wholly
in his power.
I dare not keep you any longer in the entry, for fear you grow
weary, and loath to step over the threshold of the next leaf, and look
into the main building. And there I shall not stay your eyes long;
for my furniture being little, it was not wisdom to make the house
too wide and spacious.
Nov. 6, 1658.
S.P.
Acts xvi. 33.
and was baptized, he and all his, straiglUivay .
Christ having given a command to his apostles to go and
teach (or disciple) all nations^ baptizing them in the name of
the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost'^ ; we find in this story of
their acts (wherein some of their travels are related), that as
soon as they had persuaded any persons to be Christians, im-
mediately they received them into their fellowship by this
ceremony of washing them with water. A truth, which among
all the disputes about baptism, one would think, should never
have been quarrelled ; yet there have been those busy fancies
in the world that have called this into question, and would per-
suade us that our Saviour in those words intended not any such
washing with water, and no other baptism is to be owned but
that of the Spirit"^.
But so men may say, if they please, that when Philip and
the eunuch went into the water he baptized him with fire <=. If
the apostles could understand our Saviour's meaning, those
men are sufficiently refuted by their practice : for though our
Saviour baptized none that we read of but with the Spirit (and
the papists will have a hard task to obtain this preeminence
for Peter, that he received the baptism of water at Christ's
hands'*); yet it will be needless pains to prove that his apo-
* Matth. xxviii. 49. Evodius (successor to St. Peter in
b August, de Haeres. 46. [" Ma- the episcopate of Antioch), entitled
nichaei . . baptismum in aqua nihil to *Q>r, and preserved by Nice-
cuiquam perhibent salutis afFerre; phorus (H. E. ii. 3) : —
nec quemquam eorum quos deci- 'O fie ttoXit to. deia Evo'fitoy, tS)v
piunt baptizandum putant," — torn. UpS>v 6' aTToaroXaiv Kai ovtos 8ia-
viii. col. 17 C] et Haeres. 59. [" Se- fio^oy, eV vols avrov avyypdfifxaai,
leuciani . . baptismum in aqua non fjiaXtcrTa fi' eV rfj €TricrToXfj rjv <I>cds
accipiunt,"— col. 20 D.] eVfypax/^f, xai ravra npocTTldrjaiv' 'O
*^ Act. viii. 38. Xpiaros, Xtycov, Idlais x(p(Jt top Ile-
<^ [This one of the most remark- rpov fiovov (^dnTiaf Tlirpos d' 'Ar-
able traditions to be met with among dptav Ka\ tovs Ze/3eSaiou vluvs' 'Av-
the legendary records of antiquity. 8peai fie Ka\ oi rov Ze/Sefiai'ou roi/s
The following are the fragmentary Xolwovs dnoa-roKav' tovs S' (08oprj-
nolices of the Greek fathers upon kovtu UeTpns Kal'loidwrii 6 6(o\6yos
which it rests. (ia-rrTl^ovcn.
I. A fragment of the epistle of 2. Euthymhis (in Joann. iii. 5,
12
Aqua Genitalis : or.
sties, and their successors after him, did initiate and admit dis-
ciples in that manner.
But notwithstanding this, there are others, that, lest the
world should be quiet, start a new question, Whether that
command of our Lord's extended any further than to the first
proselyting of the nations, or ought now to be followed among
torn. iii. p. 95.) reports the tradition
somewhat differently ; to the effect
that the Saviour baptized his own
mother also with his own hands : —
Tpd(f)ov(7i Se Tives eyyi^oVTes rois
^povois tS}V aTTOCTToXav, oTi 6 (lev
XpicTToy (^dnricre tov Tltrpou Koi Trjv
BeoTOKov, 6 Se TleTpos Trduras tovs
aTToaToXovs.
3. A citation from the Memo-
randa of Sophronius (patriarch of
Jerusalem, A. D. 629-638) in a frag-
ment on the baptism of the twelve
apostles, extant among the MSS. in
the imperial library of Vienna, (cod.
34, in the index of Lambecius, p.
205. 8vo, Han. 1714,) and printed
by Gaulmyn in his edition of the
Life of Moses, p. 553. The frag-
ment is attributed to Symeon the
monk : (Petr. Lamb. 1. c.,p. 431,) by
others to Theodoret bishop of
Cyrus, (Fabric. Bibl. Gr. torn. ix.
p. 163.) or by a palpable error to So-
phronius himself, (Gaulmyn, 1. c.
Gamier, diss.ii. in Theod., tom. v.
p. 414. ed. Schulze,) : —
'Evpopev iv rolj Ynopivrjpacn tov
aylov Scocppovlov koi «XXa TrXeiora
fivrjprjs a^ia, Ka\ irpbs tovtois Koi rav-
ra, nepi hv koi ttjv i'pfvvav fnonjcra-
fJLCv, OTi povou TOV ayiov UeTpov 6
Kvpios Koi ©eds Tjpwv 'lijcrovs 6 Xpi-
CTTOS oiKelais )(epa\v e^dTTTiae' koi
TleTpos ' \v8peav, Koi AfSpeaj Idfco)-
fiov Kal Icodvvrjv, la)dvv7]s 8e Koi Id-
KQijios TOVS XoiTTovy ndvTQs anocTTo-
Xovs.
4. A quotation from the fifth
book of the lost Hypotyposes of
Clement of Alexandria, preserved
by Palladius, as quoted by some
anonymous disputants in the .\(lp<ov.
or ' Spiritual Pasture' of the Syrian
monk Joannes Moschus (wrong-
ly attributed by some to Sophro-
nius; see Cave, infra. Fabric. I. c.
Phot. Biblioth. cod. 199. p. 162): —
4>j;o"i yap KXrifXTis 6 ^TpwpaTfvs, iv
T(0 Tre^TTTO) Topo) Ta>v YTTOTVTToxrecov,
TO aTTOCTToXlKOV prjTOV f^TjyOVpfVOS, TO
Xeyov, EvxapiCTTO) oti ovSeva vpwv
ejSdTTTKTa, O XpiaTos XeyeTai Ue-
Tpov povov ^f^aTTTLKevai, UeTpos 8e
AvBpeav, Avbpeas ^laKoi^ov Koi Ico-
dvvrjv' ineivoi Se tovs Xoittovs. — Cap.
176. in Biblioth. Patr. Gr. per
Front. Due. tom. ii. p. 1 133 D.
It is confidently advanced and
supported by several among the
later controversial writers of the
church of Rome, e. g. Lindanus
(Panopl. Evang. lib. iv. cap. 81. p.
440.), Bellarmine (de Pont. Rom.
hb. i. cap. 23. tom. i. col. 691 ; de
Bapt. lib. i. cap. 9. tom. ii. col. 274.),
and Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D.
31. n. 40). It is also related in the
Life of Christ written in Persian by
father Geronymo Xavier for the use
of Jesuit missionaries in the East,
and translated into Latin by Louis
de Dieu, p. 154.
For a critical discussion of the
historical value of these traditions
the reader is referred to the remarks
of Cave, (Life of S. Peter, §. 3. p. 9.
Script. Eccles. tom. i. p. 24 ;) Ca-
saubon, (Exercit. 24. in Baron, p.
280;) Morton, (Catholike Apology,
pt. 2. p. 275,) and Voss, (de Bapt.
disp. 7. § 16. p. 281.) The supposed
epistle of Evodius is rejected by
Baronius himself elsewhere (in A. D.
71. n. 13. col. 885.) as being desti-
tute of early or authentic testimony.]
A Discourse concerning Baptism. 13
Christian people ? who might have spared the labour of making
such a doubt^ unless they could give us some ground to think
that that part of their commission was after revoked, or then
limited to such a time ; and likewise solidly expound those fol-
lowing words, I am ivitli you alivays to the end of tlie world;
and show us why the work of the new birth, which the apostle
makes the signification of baptism, is not now as well as then
to be shadowed and represented. Yet others will not let their
wits be at rest, but make a further inquiry. Whether the
words of our Saviour include in them a command or only a
permission, because he saitli only baptizing, not baptize <^
Though the constant practice of the apostles in this book re-
lated, and of the church afterward, might well have been suffi-
cient to have silenced these thoughts without any further dis-
pute; and the following words likewise, teaching them, &c. ^
would have told such men that their inquiry was needless,
unless it can be thought, that because he doth not say, go
teach, we may choose whether we will give any further in-
struction to our people.
Taking it therefore for granted, without engaging myself in
such questions, that the words now read do speak of baptism
by water still to be retained in the church of God, you may
observe in them these three thinrfs :
o
I. A rite or ceremony used, and that is baptism or washing
with water.
II. The person baptized, the jailor and all his.
III. The time of its administration, -napaxpy^HJ-a, straightway,
instantly, at that hour of the night that the foregoing story
was acted, without any further delay.
From which I am invited to treat of three things :
First, of the use and intention of baptism.
Secondly, of the qualities or dispositions of those that re-
ceive it.
Thirdly, of the time that is required to render them persons
fitly qualified to receive it.
I. For the explication of the first, we need find no fault with
the common language that saith, " baptism in its general
* Bairri^ovTfs.
' AiBd<TK0VT(s avTOVs, ver, 20.
14
Aqua Genitalis; or,
notion is an outn-ard visible sit^n and seal of some inward and
invisible grace and favour, conveyed and made over thereby
unto us." But to difference it from the other sacrament, we
must inquire what that grace, favour, and privilege is, and
show how it doth signify and seal it between God and us.
And upon due consideration, I believe we shall find that to be
baptized expresseth something on our part, and something on
God^s ; both which put together make it a federal rite, where-
by we and God enter into a covenant and agreement together,
and mutually engage to the performance of several things
which are all to our behoof and benefit.
i. As we present ourselves to the minister of this sacrament
and receive it, so it expresses something done by us ; and then,
ii. As the minister, God's deputy or ambassador, doth receive
us, and wash us with this water by the authority and into the
name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ; so it expresseth
something done by God. Both which it concerns us for the
securing of our duty and our comfort also to be acquainted
withal, and therefore I shall show you,
i. What is the true meaning and intent of it on the part of
the person baptized, who offers himself, or is offered to receive
it : which I will lay before you in these ptirticulars :
I. First, in the general notion of it, it is a profession of a
religion whereinto we enter, and to which we engage to be
faithful and constant disciples. It is a ceremony whereby pros-
elytes are made, and all that use it do thereby come into a
new way and state, forsaking all their old persuasions, practices
and relations wherein they were born and bred, that are con-
trary to and inconsistent with these new engagements. It is
well observed by S. Augustine s, that " men can be associated
together in no religion, whether true or false, unless they be
combined by the common tie of some visible signs and sacra-
ments of their profession." AYhich the world hath found by so
long experience to be true, that I need not be careful to prove
it. The Jews, it is manifest, were differenced from others by
circumcision, and (as their doctors tell us) entered into covenant
with God, not only by it, but by baptism also, together with a
o In nullum nomen religionis, culorum seu sacraraentorum visibi-
seu verum seu falsum, coagulari lium consortio colligentur. Ad Faust,
possunt homines, nisi aliquo signa- 1. 19. c. ii. [tom.viii. col. 319 E.]
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
15
sacrifice unto him. And when a heathen would become a Jew'',
and undertake their rehgion, and so repose himself (as their
phrase is) under the wings of the divine Majesty, he was to be
circumcised, baptized, and offer sacrifice ; for which Maimon »
(as sundry learned men observe out of him) brings no other
proof but that, -i^l^ ije are, so shall the stranger be 3 ; so sup-
posing as a thing well known, that by those three the Jews
submitted themselves to the yoke of the law. And it is as
commonly known that they say their mothers entered into
covenant only by baptism and sacrifice ; and so did some prose-
lytes by those (without circumcision) engage to worship the
one God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and forsaking all idols
to observe him only ; as that passage of R. Joshua's clearly
shows, which is cited by Raymundus k, " He is baptized, and
not circumcised : behold this is a stranger converted, for so we
find of our mothers, (viz. Sarah, Rebekah, &c.) that they were
baptized, but not circumcised."
Baptism now hath no different signification', but only we lay
this engagement upon ourselves, to worship the God and
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ ; and to come to him through
his Son, and to embrace that religion which he teaches us from
God, which is that whereby we are distinguished from Jews,
Mahometans, and all other people in the world, who go not to
God through this Mediator, nor own that blessed gospel that
he hath delivered unto us.
If any should ask me why by baptism we should make this
profession rather than any other rite, the answer methinks is
easy, if what hath been said be considered, together with the
particulars that I shall mention after I have despatched this
general notion of it. And besides, it seems considerable to mc,
that Moses the mediator of the old covenant did receive the
people into it by baptism, and not by circumcision. For it is
only said, that they should sanctify themselves, and wash
their clothes ' ; but it is likewise plain from Joshua v. 5, that
h See Buxtorf. Lex. Rab. vocab.
-i:- [in Ti> col. 407.]
' De prohibito coiigresbu. [in
tract. Isure biah, apud Josejih. de
Voisin, de Lege Div. cap. 7. p. 50.]
j Num. XV. 15.
^ Pug. Fidei, part. 3. dist. 3.
c. II. [§. 17. p. 785. e lib. Jeham-
moth.]
• Exod. xix. 10.
16
Aqua Genitalis : or,
none were circumcised while they were in the wilderness ;
and they are not all the while reproved or rebuked for it, and
were notwithstanding within the covenant, which was sure by
some ceremony or other : and the apostle also saith, that ihei/
were all baptized into Moses in the cloud, and in the sea'^.
God by the covering of the cloud took them under his wings
and protection, owning them for his people ; and they passing
throu£;h the heart of the sea, the waters enclosing; them round
about, did profess to trust in God, and there to drown all the
thou£rhts of Egypt, which sometimes they feared, and sometimes
they loved overmuch. Now as only baptism, and not circum-
cision was used, when God conducted his people by the visible
ministry of angels, who marched with them in the cloud, and
delivered them from the slavery and bondage of Egypt by the
hand of Moses ; so God thought fit to use no other way of
making disciples when he sent his own Son to work a greater
salvation for us, and to be the mediator of a better covenant
with us. Of which the ancient Jews do not seem to have been
altogether ignorant, when they say that there shall be such
a multitude of prosehi:es in the days of the Messiah", that they
shall be admitted by baptism only "nithout any circumcision. It
may not be unfit to add, that all nations used washing so much,
that there could not be invented (one would think) a rite more
likely to be readily received than this. The Jews, it is plain,
not only when they admitted persons into covenant, but after-
wards also in case of legal pollutions, used divers washinc/s, as
the apostle's phrase is°. Three sorts of which I find observed
by a learned man P. First, there were their KaO-qnepivoi /3air-
Tio-^olq, their ' daily washings,' which were introduced by the
Pharisees. Secondly, there were their baptisms or immersions
of the whole body into water, which all the Jews were bound
unto in their confessions. And thirdly, the bathings of their
women, which they were tied unto seven weeks after then- de-
livery of a child. Unto which I may likewise add, that wash-
™ I Cor. X. 2. that 72c and ^awri^taSai do not sig-
n Vid. Grot, in Mat. iii. 6. [torn, nify among them always the wash-
ii. p. 22.] ing of the whole bodj-, which is to
o Heb. ix. 10. be obsen-ed against those that make
P Gaulmyn, not. in Vit. Mosis, it now necessary. Not. Miscel.
1. i.e. II. [p- 139-] cap- 9- [a'i c^c. Portae Mosis, p.
q Mr. Pocock hath largely shown 393.]
A Discourse concerning Baptism. IT
ing was used as a token of innocency, and freedom from such
guilt as might be thought to cleave to a person ; which tlie
Psalmist supposeth in that phrase, Ps. xxvi. 6, and the book of
Deuteronomy plainly expresseth^, they shall ivash their hands,
and sarj, Our hands have not shed this blood, &c., which per-
haps Pilate would imitate (having to do with the Jews) when he
had condemned our Saviour. For he washed his hands before
the multitude, and said, I am innocent of the blood of this
just man: see you to it^ ; as if it had been but an accidental
murder, or that which he could no more help than if a man
had been killed by chance. Certain it is the Gentiles likewise
used washings very much, not only after murders, but likewise
in case of other crimes, and also in their admissions of persons
into the secrets of some of their religions ; for which see Ter-
tulhan". And if there were nothing else to make us believe
the Jews used this ceremony in these caseSj this might make it
very probable ; for the Gentiles were but their apes, and the
devil (as Just. Martyr^ observes in this very case of baptism)
took divine rites, and made them do service in his helhsh mys-
teries. " They hearing," saith he, " the saying of the prophet,
Wash you, make you clean, &c.y, would have their worship-
pers sprinkled with water when they went into their temples
to make an offering, yea, and be washed all over before they
came thither." All which being true, our blessed Lord would
think it fit to innovate as little as he could, and so to accommo-
date this significant and innocent ceremony to his purposes,
and translate it from the Jews, to be a rite whereby to profess
inward purity of body and soul: just as he did in the other
sacrament of the Lord's supper, wherein he hath made use not
only of the bread and wine, but as divers have observed, of the
accustomed words which the Jews then used at the paschal
supper 2. For so his wisdom judged it meet to make former
rites serve his own ends, rather than introduce strange and
unheard of things which had not been known in former times.
His design was not novelty, but truth ; not his own glory, but
' Deut. xxi. 6, 7. KeKrjpvyixfvov, &c. Apolog. ii. [al. i.
t Matth. xxvii. 24. § 62. p. 80 C]
" De Baptis. cap. 5. [p. 226.] et y Isai. i. 16.
de Prsescript. cap. 14. [p. 216.] ^ [Vid. Martin. Pug. Fid. part. iii.
^ Kai TO \ovTpov bq TovTo uKov- dist. 3. cap. 15. p. 840; Grot, in
aavTfs oi daifjLoves fiia rov Trpo^i^rou Matt. xxvi. 26. torn. ii. p. 250.]
PATRICK, VOL. I. C
18
Aqua Genitalis : or,
the good of men ; and so he conformed himself in this to their
practice. AYhich (that I may speak more particularly) is to be
considered,
2. Secondly, as a profession of repentance from dead works ;
a rehnquishing of all ungodliness and worldly lusts, so as never
more to be friends with them. This is taught us not only by
the baptism of John, which was administered with confession of
sin, and is called the baptism of repentance^, and hkewise ac-
companied with an exhortation to bring forth fruits meet for
repentance^, and in refusing of which the Pharisees are said
to have rejected the counsel of God against themselves'^ ; but
also by the exhortation of the apostle to the new converts.
Repent, and be baptized every one of you, &c.d, i. e. make pro-
fession of your repentance by baptism to the remission of yom'
sins, the sense of which had pricked them in their hearts.
And it is further manifest from all the circumstances of bap-
tism. For they put oiF their old clothes, and stript themselves
of their garments ; then they were immersed all over, and
buried in the water, which notably signified the pzitting off the
body of the sins of the flesh, as the a])ostle speaks*', and their
entering into a state of death or mortification after the simiU-
tude of Christ ; accorcUng to the same apostle's language else-
where, we are baptized into his death, we are buried with
him in bapAism, knowing that our old man is crucified with
him, that the body of sin might be destroyed, that henceforth
we might not serve sin^. All which was rendered still more
significant by the ancients, who baptized only on the last day
of the week at night, i. e. on the even of two Lord's days in the
year, called therefore by Chrysostom vvkt€s (pcoTocpopoLS. Be-
cause Christ then lay in the grave, and was about to rise
again ; in conformity to whom, they by this rite did profess
themselves to be dead, and, coming out of the water, there to
leave all their sins drowned and buried in that grave, never to
revive again. There is one thing more not to be forgotten,
which makes it more clear that it was intended for a profession
of repentance, and that is, the renunciation which they made
to the devil, the world, and the flesh ; or the open declaration
a Mark i. 4. b Matth. iii. 6, 8.
Luke vii. 30.
Acts ii. 38.
e Col. ii. II. ^ Rom. ^-i. 3, 4, 6.
e [Horn, in sanctum Pascha, § 5.
torn. iii. p. 753 c]
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
19
upon the question propounded, which they made against all
God's enemies ; the form of which so many ancient authors do
record, that it is vain to cite any; but the sense of it was this,
— Do you renounce, or do you forsake the world, and all the
vanities, folhes, and wickedness thereof? I do forsake them,
said the person to be baptized. Do you forsake the devil ?
Will you have never any thing to do with his works ? I do
forsake them and abhor them all, &c., unto which the apostle
is thought to have reference, when he speaks of the answer of
a good conscience as the baptism ivhich saves us, and not the
outward washing or putting away of the filth of the flesh^.
This e-neparrjiJLa, this question, What shall I do to be saved ?
and consequently the hearty answer to all that is proposed as
requisite to salvation, is that which makes baptism to be avail-
able and of force unto our salvation. The Jews say in their tra-
dition that Adam stood a whole week up to the neck in water',
begging of God to accept of his repentance for what he liad
committed. Whatsoever he did, I am sure this washing with
water doth most fitly represent both our acknowledgments that
we are worthy to die, and be swallowed up in the water ; and
our profession that wc will forsake all our filthiness, if we may
but be accepted unto life.
3. Thirdly, it is a profession of faith in the Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost. For wc arc baptized into their name ; and so it
signifies, either first, that we heartily accept of the Father for
our God and happiness, to love him above all ; and of the Son
for our Lord and Saviour as the way unto the Father ; and of
the Holy Ghost for our sanctifier, guide, and conductor to the
Son : or secondly, (which comes to the same,) that we embrace
that doctrine for our rule which is delivered unto us from the
Father, through the hands of his Sou, by the power of the Holy
Spirit ; to fear all his threatenings, to rely upon all his promises,
and to yield obedience to all his commands as long as we hve.
That this profession of faith was made in baptism is plain, not
only from Acts viii. 37, where Phihp saith to the eunuch, //"
thou believest with all thine heart, thou maijest be baptized;
and he answers, / believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God;
h I Pet. ill. 21. P-46; R. Abr. Zaciith. in Juchasin,
' [The waters of upper Gihon,— fol. 5 a, apud Seld. de Synedr.
vid. R. Eliezer, in Pirke, cap. 20. lib. i. cap. 1 1. torn. i. p. 1025.]
c Z
20
Aqua Genitalis: or,
but likewise from this, that the word baptism is put for the
vrhole doctrine which he preached who did baptize ; as you
may see, Acts xviii. 25, knowing only the baptism of John; —
Acts xlx. 3, Into u'hat were you baptized? and they said,
Into John's baptism: by which it appears, that being baptized
into such a name, though one should speak nothing, expresses
a consent to embrace that word which he preaches and declares
to be the wiU of God. Yea, baptism is an open profession and
declaration to aD, that we are of such a faith ; for it is not
enough that we are persuaded of the truth of Christ's religion,
but we ought also pubhely to own it, and manifest to the world
our behef of it, which seems to me to be the meanins: of that
place, Mark xvi. 16, He that believes and is baptized shall be
saved ; i. e. he that owns the faith of Christ in truth, and
makes a profession of his belief by receiving this mark of the
Christian religion, he shaU be accepted of Grod to life. For
that was requu'ed by our Saviour of his disciples, that they
should not be ashamed of liira before men, nor be afraid to let
the world know that they were his disciples, by using all
those things whereby they were distinguished from the rest of
men.
4. It is a profession of holiness and obedience, and an en-
gagement we thereby lay upon ourselves to maintain all purity
in body and soul ; which is the imm.ediate consequent of the
two former, and seems to be alluded unto by the apostle, when
he saith, such were some of you : but you are ivashed, but you are
sanctifiedi, &c., i. e. you have betaken yourselves by receiving
of baptism to a holy and pure conversation. Ajid it is more
plainly expi'cssed by him ; as many of you as have been bap-
tized into Christ have put on Christ^. In token of which, and
that they intended all purity, (like those in the Revelation,
who are said to follow the Lamb in white, they were presently
clothed with white grarments when thev came out of the water.
From whence that day was called White-Sunday ', which was
one of the principal times when the ancients did admit persons
to baptism ; and they all professed hereby that they hated the
garment spotted with the Jiesh^, and would never return again
j 1 Cor. II. Eccl. Ant. book xii. chap. 4. § 3,
Gal. iii. 27. and book xx. chap. 6. § 6.]
' [See authorities in Bingham, ™ Jude 23.
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
21
to the dirty pleasures of the world wherein they had wallowed.
An ancient Christian poet doth excellently express it,
Fulgentes animas vestis quoque Candida sign at,
Et grege de niveo gaudia pastor habet
" A bright garment was cast over shining and glistering souls,
and the great Shepherd took no small pleasure in his milk-
white lambs ;" whose outward lustre did but signify that they
were become the children of the light, and of the day°, and
would have no more fellowship ivith the unfruitful works of
darkness^. Which place some would interpret of baptism,
called therefore by the ancients ^wtiu\j.o^, or "illumination," of
which those splendid garments were a fit signification. The
Greeks at this day put such a robe upon the child immediately
after baptism, saying, " Receive this lucid and immaculate
clothing;, and bring- it before the tribunal of our Lord Jesus
without spot, and thou shalt have eternal life, Ameni." Cer-
tain it is, that all true Christians have ever accounted this the
great intent of this outward rite of baptism, to be an engage-
ment to holiness; "l(j6l fxr] Aourpw, ak\a tm v6(o Kadapoi^, is the
sense of them all : " Be clean, not only by the washing of thy
body, but the purgation of thy mind." Bathe and steep thy
soul in holy truths, till they have fetched out all thy filth. For
even a Jew can say, Qui haptizatur sine intentione, perinde est
ac si non baptizatur^ ; " He that doth not intend that which is
meant by baptism is as if he were unbaptized ;" " for it is not
dirt," saith he, " and excrementitious adherencies that a man
washeth away, but there is a resemblance herein of the
cleansing of the soul from all filthiness, i. e. from those perverse
thoughts and evil habits which he professes to forsake, by
bringing his soul to the waters of virtue and knowledge, as
Ezekiel saith'." Thus Maimon". And therefore they well
said, " He that comes from among the Gentiles unto us"
IWI " for the sake of any worldly
" Venanlius Honor, de Pascha. 4to. Lips. 1676.]
[lib. iii. cap. 9. part. i. p. 91.] [Clem. Alex. Strom, lib. iv.
° Filesacus, lib. i. select, cap. 3. cap. 22. p. 629.]
[p. 37.] s Apud Josepb. de Voysin, de
P Eph. v. 8, 10. Lege Div. cap. 7. [p. 47.]
1 George Phelavius, Annot. ad t Ezek. xxxvi. 25.
Christoph. Angel, [de Statu hodier- " [In Tract. Mikuaot, de Lava-
norum Graecorum, cap. 24. p. 493. cris, apud eund. ibid.]
oo
Aqua Genitalis : or,
vanity, he is not a proselyte of justice^:" for which cause they
used to examine him, whether for the hope of gain or honour,
or compelled with fear, he betook himself to their profession ;
and to search whether there were any young man or woman of
Israel that the party made love unto, because they would have
them only out of holy ends undertake their religion. And in-
deed their rising again and comino; out of the water did like-
wise signify this, that they had left their filthiness behind and
were made new men, henceforward to serve God in righteous-
ness and holiness all the days of then* life.
5. It is a profession of self-denial and taking up the cross if
we meet with it in om* Christian com'se. For waters signify in
Scripture afflictions and tribulations, which sometimes go over
our head and overwhelm us. And accordingly our Saviour,
speaking of liis sufferings, saith, / liave a baptism to be bap-
tized ivith, &c.^, and. Are you able to be baptized with the
baptisin that I am baptized ivithJ ? i. e. to take part with me
in my sufferings and endurances here in the world for God's
sake ? And immediately it follows, You shall indeed be bap-
tized ivith my baptism, you shall be wet in blood, and baptized
in yoiu" own tears and sweat. Whosoever puts on Christ,
takes upon him his sufferings, and renounces (as you have
heard) all those things, though never so dear, that would
divest him of his dearer Saviour, or make him false to that
covenant into which he doth enter. So the Samanteans among
the Indians, (as Porphyry ^ tells us.) as soon as they were
chosen to be of the society of those divines and had that title,
they shaved their body, and received a stole or long robe, after
which they renounced irdffTjs ovaias, ' all their estates ;' never
thinking of returning to wife, cluldren, or any other thing,
making no account of them ; but wholly employing themselves
in the things of God, (as his words are,) they lived ayvvaiot
■navres koL aKTrifioves, ' without wives or possessions,' or their
former enjoyments. Such a white garment I told you the
Christians sometime received in token of their putting on
Christ Jesus the Lord ; with that they put on new relations,
and espoused another interest, and did profess to forsake
^' Biixtorf. in Vocab. [in t: >' Matth. xx. 22.
col. 408.] ^ L. 4. Ilfpi (i7ro;(»yj rif ffiifr.
^ Luke xii. 50. [§ 17.]
A Discourse concerning/ Baptism.
23
tatlier, mother, wife, children, houses, lands, and all things
else for his name's sake, and to call nothing theirs, but only
Christ. Which likewise we cannot deny they did very an-
ciently represent, by signing them with the sign of the cross,
(innocently enough till superstition did abuse it,) in token of
the crucified afflicted condition into which they must be willing
to enter if Christ should call them to it. And so we may in-
terpret that place, Flfjht the good fight of faith, lay hold on
eternal life, whereunto thou art also called, and hast professed
a good profession before many tvitnesses^, i. e. Endure suffer-
ings for Christ's sake, for thou art called unto it, and hast
professed in baptism thou would be his faithful soldier before
many witnesses ; i. e. saith Hierome *>, " before the people of God
and his holy angels thou didst renounce to the world, and all
the softnesses and vanities thereof, and gave up thyself to
endure hardship), as it is in another place, like a good soldier
of Jesus Christ'^." For this cause it was perhaps that their
baptisteria^ or fonts used to be made where some martyrs
had suffered, that so they might be put in mind they entered
into a warfare, wherein they must resist unto blood, striving
against sin. Our very first incorporation into Christ is in
effect an expiration to the world, and then we begin to die
when we begin to live. As soon as ever we declare for Christ,
and are listed into his militia, the devil raiseth all his forces
against us, and we must not expect to march quietly to heaven.
You shall read of nothing but sufferings after our Saviour's
baptism, (and most of the rest of his life before, for thirty
years, which we may suppose had less trouble in it, the Holy
Ghost passes over;) as if he Avould tell us, that when by
baptism we give ourselves to him, and become his children, we
enter upon a state of sufferings, and perhaps must ivash our
garments again in the blood of the Lamb^.
And having thus shewed the greatest engagement that it
can lay upon us, which is, to lay down our lives for Christ's
sake if he require it ; I shall pass to the next part of this dis-
a I Tim. vi. 12. c 2 Tim. ii. 3.
•> [" Sacerdotibus, vel ministris, <' V. Dilherrum, Disp. de Antiq.
virtutibusque coelestibus,"— Pseii- Ritu Funer. [in Uisput. Acad. xv.
do-Hieron. in loc. torn. xi. col. 1054 § 3. p. 469.]
C] c Rev. vii. 14.
24
Aqua Genitalis : or,
eourse, which is to sIicav what the meaning and intent of it is
on God's part, and what blessings are thereby conveyed back
again to us who thus give up ourselves to him.
ii. God by his minister (that doth in his name and by his
authority baptize) receives the person so washed into the
enjoyment of some privileges and benefits that otherways are
not ordinarily to be enjoyed. For what is done by his minister
is as if the hand of God should do it. So it is said that Jestis
came into Judcea and baptized^ ; and the Jews say to John,
He to whom thou hear est witness, behold, the same baptizeths ;
and again it is said that Jesus made and baptized more
disciples than John ^ : yet we are told that Jesus himself
baptized not, but his disci2>lesK That which olRcers and ser-
vants do by commission and authority of their master, is ac-
counted to be his action ; and so,
J. Fii'st, God receiveth us hereby into his family, to be
numbered among his people, of whom he will have a special
care'^ It is the seal, as it were, of God upon us; his mark
and character, whereby he owns us for his sheep, and knows us
from all other, so as to have a more particular inspection over
us than the rest of the world that make not this profession ;
and to endow us with certain peculiar favours, even before we
are able to perform any part of our duty unto him'. It is the
door whereby we enter into the church, the gate that lets us
into Christ's fold, and the first step to fellowship with God and
with his people. Whence it was the font, you know, used to
be placed at the door or entrance of the church, to signify that
by this we come into the congregation of Christ's disciples ; but
yet that by baptism we are brought but to the beginning of
religion, and must make a further progress to perfection, till
we come to the holy place, and into a nearer communion with
God. The minister likewise used to take the infants into his
arms, to signify, I suppose, God's receiving and embracing of
them with a loving affection. Yea, he used to kiss them, either
^ John iii. 22. S lb. 26. oVoj 'UpnvcraKrjii Tro\iToypa(f)ridevTfs.
^ lb. iv. I. i lb. 2. [Horn, in sanctum Pascha, § 5.
^ So St. Chrysost. speaks to the torn. iii. p. 756 B.]
neuly baptized, — 'AKovere o'l crij/ne- ' V. August, de Catech. Rud.
pov Ka\ Kara rrjv vvKra ravrrjv ei\- rrjv cap. 6. [tom. vi. Col. 269.]
A Discourse concernhuj Baptism.
25
to signify that love of God to them, or that they were now of
that community and body whom the apostle bids to salute one
another with a holy kiss"^. And all this is supposed in the
word proselytes, or ' comers unto ' God, which clearly ai'gues
some relative action of his, which is receiving and entertaining
them graciously as those he will have in his favour. But more
particularly,
2. Secondly, hereby God receives us into a state of pardon
and forgiveness. He assures us that Adam's sin shall not undo
us, and that every sin of our own shall not exclude us out of
heaven ; but that we shall have the benefit of repentance, and
an allowance to retract our follies ; yea, and grace so to do if
we will make use of it. He admits us into that covenant of
grace, which accepts of repentance instead of imiocence, and of
amendment instead of an unerring obedience. This is one of
the special favours of the gospel which by baptism is consigned
unto us, that former iniquities shall not be remembered ; and
that every breach of our covenant, if there be a real change
wrought in us, shall not void it, and make it null and inef-
fectual unto us. So in Mark i. 4, John is said to preach the
baptism of repentance for remission of sin. And Ananias
saith. Arise, and he baptized, and wash away thy sins'^. And
the Greek church after baptism sings those words three times,
" Blessed is he whose iniquity is forgiven"." As those who
came to the baptism of John did thereby receive a distinguish-
ing mark and character, that they should not be destroyed in
the ruin of the nation ; insomuch that he saith to the Phari-
sees that desired baptism. Who hath warned you to flee from
the wrath to comeV ? so they that are baptized into Christ do
thereby receive a pledge, that no sin which they stand guilty
of shall bring the anger of God upon their heads if they will
keep his covenant ; but all shall be crossed out which they are
charged with, and be like words writ in the water, that are
obliterated and vanished, nowhere more to be found.
3. Thirdly, we receive hereby the promise of the Spirit, the
effusion of which is likened to the pouring out of water'l, and
so is in baptism most aptly signified and represented. / ivill
pour, saith the prophet, u'aters on him that is thirsty, and
Rom. xvi. 16.
" Acts xxii. 16.
<> fJeorg. Phela\ius, lb. [p. 493-]
P Matth. iii. 7. 1 John, iii. 5.
26
Aqua Genitalis : or,
floods upon the dry ground, i. e. upon the Gentiles wlio were as
a wilderness ; I will jiour my Spirit on thy seed, and my bless-
ing upon thy offspring, and they shall spring u]) as among
the grass, &c.'' In which place that there may be a prediction
of baptism it is very probable ; for thus much some of the Jews
do acknowledge, that the jirophet speaks of Gentiles that
should be proselytes and called by the name of Israel, and we
Christians know that we are Abraham's seed, and that this
promise hath a respect to the times of the Gospel. Rasi^, out
of R. Nathan, thus glosses upon the fifth verse : " There are
four sorts of converts here spoken of', — One shall say, / am
the Lord's ; these are they that are proselytes of justice, or the
most perfect converts : and another shall call himself by the
name of Jacob ; these are the little ones of the ungodly : and
another shall subscribe luith his hand to the Lord ; these are
the penitents, or the men that repent ; and surname himself
by the name of Israel ; these are the strangers, i. e. those that
observed the precepts of the sons of Noah, and particularly
renounced idolatry ; and therefore this part of the verse is
by another rendered Cl3''0m, 'they that fear God.'"
Where, observe, that he calls one sort of these converts
C^t^p, ' the little ones^,' who were not thought (it seems) to
be unmeet to be made members of a church, and were not
judged by their father's admission to be received; but were
distinctly admitted by themselves by the decree (as they tell
us) of the house of judgment. And observe likewise, that all
these proselytes being said to spring as it were out of the
water, these words may be a prophecy of Christian baptism, to
which a promise of the Spirit is annexed, which is very well
signified by water ; for as that cleanses and purifies from filth,
so the Spirit of God is the sanctifier of God's people, purging
and cleansing their hearts from all impurities. This being
therefore the great work of the Spirit so well represented by
water, we must conclude, that when the minister washeth us
r Isa. xliv. 3, 4. " V. Raymund. Pug. fidei, par. 2.
^ [Lege R. fSolomon Jarcln, apud c.i4.[§ 22.P.458.] SoSt.Chrysostom
R. Nathan, in Avotli, teste Vitringa calls the new baptized persons av6ri
in loc. torn. ii. p. 477; et Raymund. TrvevfiaTiKa,Tu KoXa Trjs eKK\ricrias(j)v-
Martin iit infra.] ra, k. t. \. — Orat. prima et secunda
' cn-ri 'Di D'jnp ctidj D'pns de Resurrect, [al. Horn, de sancto
.Dnj 'bsn Pascha, § 5. torn. iii. p. 755 C]
A Discourse concerninrj Baptism.
97
ill God's name, God thereby promiseth that he will be assistant
to us by the Holy Ghost ; and that he will send upon us his
grace, that we may be saved through the washing of regene-
ration, and the renewing of the Holy Ghost^. According to
that of the apostle, i Cor. vi. i j , the place before mentioned,
But ye are washed, hut ye are sanctified, hut ye are justi-
fied in the name of the Lord Jesus, and hy the Spirit of
God : whereas those words, in the name of the Lord Jesus,
refer to being justified ; so those words, hy the Spirit of our God,
refer to theu' being washed and sanctified. So in that place of
Ezekiel xxxvi. 25, after he hath said that he would sprinkle
them with clean ivater, it follows as an explication of it,
(ver. 26, 27,) A new heart will I also give you, and a neiv
spirit ivill I put into you, &c. And I u'ill put my Spirit
within you, and cause yon to ivalk in my statutes. All which
doth sufficiently shew, that in this washing with water the
Lord engages to give the Spirit.
4. Fourthly, we receive hereby a promise of resurrection
unto life. Though we by going into the water pi'ofess that we
are willing to take up the cross and die for Christ's sake ; yet
on God's part, this action of going into and coming out of the
water again did signify that he would bring such persons to
life again : that he u'oukl not leave their soid in the grave, nor
suffer Ids holy one to see corruption. And this, according to
St. Chrysostom y, (a very judicious interpreter, who Avas so full
of the spirit of St. Paul, that he dreamt sometime that he ap-
peared to him,) is the meaning of that difficult place, i Cor.
XV. 29, Else what shall they do that are haptized for the
dead? &c., i. e. for their dead bodies 2. Why do they profess
in baptism that they believe the article of the resurrection of
the dead among the rest of the articles of the Christian faith ?
Why are they baptized into the hope and expectation of it,
of which (saith he) the minister gives them a sign or symbol,
8ta TSiv TTpayfxdrai; avTu>v, ' by the things themselves' that he
doth ; putting them in and taking them out of the water,
X Tit. iii. 5.
y 'S,vvfTa(prffi(v yap avra ev T<o ^an-
Tov ffaTTTiapaTos. Mia avrtj nvaaTd-
(Tii (tnaWdyrj apapTrjiidrcoV 8evT(p(t
Se avdcTTacris, 17 rov craparos. Chrys.
Oral, de Resur. [torn. ii. p. 443 D.]
^ TcOf veKpS)!', TOVTCCTTl TWV (TMpd-
Tcov. [Horn. xl. § I. torn. x. p. 379
C]
28
Aqua Genitalis : or,
which is a sign of their descending into the state of the dead,
and their ascending up from thence. Now what good do they
receive by baptism, if they shall not rise again, but remain
always in the grave ? If any think it harsh to render those
words, /or their dead bodies, by these, for the resurrection of
their dead bodies, which in baptism we profess to believe, it is
only for want of skill in the short manner of speaking which
the Hebrews use. And methinks they may otherwise be inter-
preted to the same sense more plainly after this manner : —
Why are they baptized for their dead bodies ? i. e. ' for the
benefit and profit of their dead bodies V for v-n(p denotes ' the
end' which an agent intends in an action (as Gal. i. 4, Who
gave himself vnep^ tuv dfxapTLcav t]]xG>v, for to take away our
sins), and there can be no end upon our dead bodies which we
can have, but that they may live again ; therefore for this end
we are baptized, that they may rise from the dead, which if
they should not, we should lose (saith the apostle) the great
benefit which in baptism was consigned ; and to what purpose
should we use that rite? It may be rephed, that I have already
mentioned many other purposes which render it sufficiently
beneficial. But if it be considered how near sin and death are
one to the other, we shall conclude that so must remission of
sin and tlie resurrection from the dead no together ; and that
if the one be not believed, we may easily doubt of the other,
or at the best we shall make forgiveness lame and very imper-
fect while this great punishment of sin, viz. death, remains
unremoved. And therefore Athanasius^ very judiciously makes
these to comprehend one the other, in that advice he gives to
Marcellinus about the use of the psalms. Where he tells him
among other tilings, that when he beheld persons baptized, and
saw them delivered by that new birth d-o r^? (f>6apTrjs yeve-
aeas. ' from their mortal nativity,' and thereupon would admire
the lovingkindness of God to men, he might properly sing the
two and thirtieth psalm, Blessed is he whose transgression is
forgiven, &c. Which both plainly declares his sense of the end
of baptism, which was to deliver men from death, and includes
this blessing in that of remission of sin, one part of which is
the taking off that punishment which entered by it. Luther
* Ilepi some have it, which is of ^ Epist. ad Marcellin. [§ 18.
the same force. torn. i. p. 994 A.]
j4 Discourse concerning Baptism.
29
indeed, in his version on the Bible, gives another interpretation
of this place, but suitable to niy present discourse, which is
grounded, Dilherrus thinks, upon that practice I mentioned of
baptizing in the places where the martyrs were interred. The
sense whereof is this, (as one that understands the language
interprets it to me,) What mean they to be baptized uber den
Todten, 'over the dead?' " To strengthen," saith Luther in his
gloss upon the words, " or confirm the resurrection, they used
to baptize Christians uher den Todten Grabern ' over the graves
of the dead,' the intention whereof was to show that the same,
the very self-same person should rise again." But I doubt we
shall not find that custom so ancient as St. Paul's days, wherein
there had been but few martyrs ; and therefore I wave it,
thinking the other more clear and proper. If any one like it,
then from both we may conclude, that the waters of baptism
are hke the waters of heaven, which falling upon the dry earth
and the dead roots of plants, makes them spring forth and live
again. It gives us assurance that we sliall not always sleep in
our dust, but shall spring up and flourish in a better soil, even
the garden of God, never to die or wither any more. And
circumcision seems not to have been without this signification
neither ; for they used to cast the foreskin cut off into a vessel
full of dust, to signify (it is hke) that the circumcised person did
renounce the devil and his lusts^, by whose impulse Adam sinned,
and so died, and was turned again into dust ; and that he did
cast away all that evil concupiscence, by which death came into
the world, hoping that that being buried, he should attain the
resurrection of the body and live again. To which purpose
a very ancient book (the Zohar'') applies a place in Job, which
shows, though not the sense of the Scripture, yet their sense of
circumcision. In my flesh I shall see Ood", i. e. by circumcision
(which was the covenant of God in their flesh) come to im-
mortal life. And a tradition they have to this purpose, that
when a man is signed with this holy mark, he is made worthy
of the vision of God^. And indeed this was done then ex juepovj,
as AthanasiusS speaks, ' in part and as in a shadow ;' but now
we put off wholly our yrjivriv yeviaiv, ' earthly original,' being
<= V. Joseph, de Voisin, de Leg. ^ [Ibid. p. 49.]
Div. cap. 7. [p. 48.] s De Sabbato et Circumcis. [§ 6,
<i [Ibid.] e Job xix. 26. torn. ii. p. 59 B.]
30
Aqua Genitalis : or,
born again by the washing of regcnei-ation. So that, as the
Lord said to Joshua when he circumcised the Israelites at
Gilgal, / have taken away this day the reproach of Egypt
from off you^, we may much more say to every person that is
baptized, ' This day I have taken away the reproach of thy
earthly generation, and the reproach of the corruption ol" death
have I this day taken away from thee.'
5. Fifthly, baptism is not improperly called by divines 'a
seal of all these things,' i. e. a rite whereby the covenant
between God and us is confirmed, whereby we assure God of
our fidelity, and he assures us that as certainly as our bodies
are washed with water, so certainly will he give us of his
grace ; and if we perform our undertaking, continually assist
us with the Holy Spirit, pardon our sins, deliver us from the
power of the devil, save our souls, and at last raise our bodies
out of the grave, and make them spiritual and immortal, and
unite both body and soul together in eternal glory. That
conditional covenant of grace and mercy that was sealed
before indefinitely by Christ's blood, is now sealed by baptism
to this particular person which receives it. Therefore,
6. Sixthly, the sum of all is, that hereby we are regenerated
and born again. It is the sacrament of the new birth, by
which we are put into a new state, and change all our rela-
tions ; so that whereas before we were only the children of
Adam, we are now taken to be the children of God ; such of
whom he will have a fatherly care, and be indulgent and mer-
ciful unto. We have now a relation likewise to Christ as our
head, and to the Holy Ghost as the giver of life and grace.
Yea, herein he grants remission of sin, and we are sanctified
and set apart to his uses. We being hereby given to him, and
he accepting of us, do become his possession and pi'oper goods;
and cannot, without being guilty of the foulest robbery, sin
against God. We are made hereby the temples of the Holy
Ghost, the place where he and nothing else is to inhabit ; and
being by this consecrated to him, he likewise then enters upon
his possession, and we are said thereby to receive the Holy
Ghost; so that if we run into sin, we defile his house, and
commit the greatest profaneness and impiety, and may be said
very truly to do despite to the Spirit of God whereby we were
^ Josh. v. 9.
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
31
sanctified. Socrates in Plato ' well saith, that every man is by
his birth tu)v KT-qiiaroyv tois Beats, ' one of God's freeholds ;'
and therefore concludes it as unlawful for a man to kill himself,
as for a servant to run away from his master, seeing he is not
his own goods, nor can dispose of his life according to his
pleasure. In this second birth God is seized again of us, he
owns us in a special manner for his children, and we may not
without committing a double murder sin against him, and may
be called twice dead if we do ; because in baptism are the
beginnings of a new life, and the spirit of life takes hold of us,
and as far as is agreeable to our age and condition we are
renewed by the Holy Ghost. For baptism being a beginning
of our performance of our duty, God doth likewise in it begin
proportionably to make good his promise. We may call it
therefore with St. Cyprian, genitalis vnda^, aqua salutaris^,
&c., 'the laver of regeneration;' seeing, as the apostle saith"",
by one Spirit we are all baptized into one body, &c.j whereby
he intimates that the Spirit of God doth accompany this water,
and therefore we must be in a sort made other creatures. I
see no cause to leave this ancient language, which may have a
very good sense ; and none 1 suppose will deny but that at
least a relative change is herein made, and so much grace and
favour is conferred, that we stand upon better tci-ms than mere
nature did instate us in. Justin Martyr", relating the manner
how Christians are made, (that the heathens might not be
offended so much at their religion,) speaks of this matter.
" When men are persuaded of the things that we teach, and
promise to live accordingly, they fast, and pray, and beg of
God remission of sin, and then we bring them to the water,
and so they are born again after the same manner that we were
regenerated :" to this he applies that place, John iii. 5, Except
a man be born again, &c. All things seem to grow out of
water, and it was not unfitly made by one of the ancient wise
men" the first principle of all ; so that it may well signify an-
* In Phaedone. [cap. 6. p. 62 b.]
^ [Ad Donat. p. 3.]
1 [Ibid. p. 2.] °i I Cor. xii. 13.
" Apolof?. ii. — Kat TpoTTOv avaye-
vrja-eas, ov Kai rjfji.eis avToi auayevr)6r)-
fi(v, dvayevuvTai. [al. Apol. i. § Cl.
p. 79 D.]
" [Thales of Miletus ; — see Arist.
Metaph. i. 3. § 5 ; Cic. Nat. Deor.
i. 10. Diog. Laert. p. 18. Just.
Mart. Cohort, ad Grsec. pp. 9, ii;
Harm. Irris. Philos. Gent, ad calc.
Justin, p. 404 B ; August. Civ. Dei,
viii. 2. tom.vii. col. 191 B. Thales
32
Aqua Genitalis : or,
other birth, a new plantatioa in a better soil, which is watered
by daily dews and showers of God's heavenly grace ; and in it
we may be said to have changed our parents, and all our
relations, so as after a manner to become new creatures. If
Clemens Alexandrinus P his reading of that place. Matth. iii. 17,
be right, one would think that Christ was by baptism admitted
to his ofSce, and had a kind of a new birth in it : — Thou art
my beloved Son, this day have I begotten thee ; i. e. Now have
I appointed thee to thy office ; now of the Son of Joseph as
thou art esteemed, I declare thee the Son of God, and make
thee my vicegerent. That which was perfectly done at the
resurrection (to which those words, this day have I begotten
thee, are applied^,) was begun and done in a sign at baptism,
when the Holy Ghost likewise descended upon liim, and
anointed him unto his office. And so in aftertimes they used
to anoint the baptized person with oil ; to represent, I suppose,
that God took him to be his son, and did bestow upon him the
Holy Spirit. But because Clemens must be thought to have
expressed rather the sense than the very words that were
spoken, let us consider only what succeeded our Saviour's
baptism, and it will tell us thus much, that at that time it was
that God first owned him openly for his Son ; and it may well
teach us that in baptism God takes us to be his children, we
are received under his shadow, are and shall be endued with
this Holy Spirit, according as it follows in him ; Christ was our
i-noypa(f)r}, ' exemplar' or ' pattern ;' and " being baptized, we
are illuminated ; and being illuminated, we are made sons ;
and being made sons, we are completed ; and being completed,
we are made immortaP." There is notliino; wanting after we
are baptized to the enjoying of the whole of this, but that we
be faithful in God's covenant, and follow the conduct of God's
illuminating and Holy Spirit ; till we be made possessors of
that immortality unto which in baptism we have a title given
us. The ancient Christians speak of high illuminations, where-
withal God pleased then to grace baptism ; and I make no
may have been guided to this view 1 Acts xiii. 33.
by the earlier Orphic cosmogo- 'BanTi^ofievoi (payn^oficda, (fxoTi-
nies ; — see Alhenag. Legat. pro ^ofxevoi vlonowvfjLeda, vloiroiovjitvoi
Christian. § 18. ad calc. Justin. TikeLoijxiBa, rfXaovfifvoi anadava-
p. 294 B.] TiCofieda. [ibid.]
P Lib. i. Paedag. [cap. 6. p. 113.]
A Discourse concerning Baptisui.
33
no question but they speak as they felt, and that they talk not of
a strange change then wrought which never was : but if any
say that those great communications of the Holy Ghost were
proper to that time when Christ did most notably attest to the
truth of his own institutions for the conviction of unbelievers,
I think so also : for young plantations needed larger effusions
of the heavenly dews to water and cherish them. But yet we
may conceive that there are still some operations of that Spirit
in men's hearts at baptism, though secret and insensible unto
us ; and I profess myself one of those that labour to believe
very highly of Christ's presence with all his own ordinances ;
though if any cannot savour this, I will not contend nor fight
in the dark, but desire the other things may be entertained
which are certain, and then there will be sufficient ground to
think that it is not indifferent whether we be baptized or no ;
and that it is not a naked ceremony that neither doth good nor
harm, as some men seem to speak against the constant sense
of the church and people of God.
And thus much may suffice concerning my thoughts of the
first particular, wherein you have had a short account of the
intent, use and benefit of baptism. It remains that I speak a
few words of the other two particulars in the text, and show in
the second place,
II. Who are the persons to be baptized? The text^ will not
let us doubt but all those who are willing to embrace Jesus as
the Christ, and the Son of the living God, and to give them-
selves up to his instruction and teaching, are thus to be
initiated and entered into his religion. Only it is scrupled,
whether those that cannot express such a willingness, nor
make any signs of it, are so to be admitted ; and therefore all
infants are by some excluded from these waters, as subjects
uncapable either to make any such profession and engage-
ment, or receive from God any such benefit.
This point hath been so sifted, even to the very bran, that I
cannot think mine eyes so acute as to discern any little argu-
ment to he still neglected that I should be able to bolt out.
The custom of the church hath been pleaded, which is account-
ed the best interpreter of a doubtful law ; and the Scriptures
t [misprinted ' next' in the later editions.]
PATRICK, VOL. I. D
34
Aqua Genitalis : or,
have been searched in these late times (more I think than
ever) hy many learned authors in every one's hands, and to
such excellent purpose, that if I were able to plead the infants'
title strongly, my defence might be spared.
I will therefore briefly dismiss this head with these four
considerations : —
1. First, that if there were any infants in this person's
family, it is certain they were baptized, for he was baptized,
he, and all his. It is doubtful indeed, whether there were any
or no ; yet it is considerable (especially in conjunction with
other arguments) that neither here nor any where else in the
whole Scripture are they excepted (and it is scarce to be
thought that all of the families baptized were without infants),
nor is there one word that tends to the excluding of them from
baptism. But,
2. Secondly, I consider that infants are capable to be en-
gaged and professed, and likewise to be received into the
grace and favour of God.
Baptism may be looked on either as a sign of what we are
to be in our futui'e coui*se, and what God hath done, and will
do for us ; and so all must grant that infants are as capable as
others to receive it ; or secondly, as a seal of the truth of God,_
under which notion we ordinarily conceive it, and then they
are as capable likewise as grown men to have any thing con-
veyed and sealed unto them, upon such conditions afterwards
to be performed ; or thirdly, as an obligation whereby we are
tied to perform those conditions ; and fourthly, as a privilege
whereby we are actually instated into some favours and enjoy-
ments : and if any afiirm that in these two regards they are
uncapable, let them remember that children may be bound by
deeds drawn up and sealed between two persons, before they
understand any thing at all ; and that a child may be crowned
in the cradle, and it will stand good to all purposes. A parent
may contract with God on his child's behalf, no otherwise than
a guardian doth in the behalf of a minor or one under age,
which he cannot afterward retract Avhen he is out of liis pupil-
age without injustice, and being hable to the law, if the contract
be judged to be to his behoof and benefit. As in the inter-
pretation of law that is an act of the pupil or child, which is
A Discourse coiicemhig Baptism.
35
done in its name and foi- its good by liis tutor or guardian ; so
may God be pleased graciously and favourably to accept of this
act of the parent, laying such an obligation upon the child, and
Interpret it for the child's own act and deed, so conferring
his graces upon it, and expecting performance of faith and
obedience, and looking upon it as so engaged that it shall be
properly said to break a vow and covenant if it sin against
him. And this will still be clearer from a third consideration.
3. Thirdly, that children are in the power of the parent, and
they have a jus or right unto them, so as they have to any
other things that are their proper goods. They may therefore
make an offering of them to God, and dedicate them to his
uses as well as land or money ; and there is no question but
God will as well accept of them as of any thing else that
they consecrate to him, and take them to his portion, so that it
shall be a sacrilegious act for these infants hereafter to alienate
themselves from him, and convert themselves to the uses and
service of any other.
This the deniers of infant-baptism cannot deny, that it is very
fit parents should by solemn prayers and profession devote and
consecrate their children to God, and make an open oblation of
them before all to liis service, only they would not have it done
by washing with water ; which is as much as to grant that
they would have the thing done, but not the ceremony or rite
used, and that they are capable of the thing signified, but not
of the sign, of the greater matter, but not of the less : and as
it seems to me they make a controversy where there need be
none ; for if they are to be devoted to God, baptism being the
way wherein we devote ourselves to him, and being so signifi-
cant of our duty, it is the fittest way wherein to devote oar
children to his use.
4. Fourthly, Christ may well be conceived to include them,
when he bids his disciples Qo and baptize all nations in the
name of the Father, &c.', for that was no more than a com-
mission to go and make proselytes, and engage them by
baptism in Christ's religion. Now I intimated before that
there were young strangers admitted by the Jews, i. e. infants
or little children were made proselytes to their way of worship,
t Matth. xxviii. 19.
u 2
36
Aqua Genitalis : or,
and it is plain that all wei-e baptized into Moses in the sea,
and in the cloud both old and young, the infants as well as
the grown men passed through the water, and were all covered
with the cloud ; and likewise favores sunt ampliandi, where
none are excepted, favours and benefits are to be enlarged
unto all ; and to spare further labour of a long discourse, let
me only remember you how Moses did take the children into
covenant with God as .well as the rest ; — You stand this day
all of you before the Lord your God, your captains of your
tribes, your elders, and your offi,cers, with all the men of
Israel, your little ones, your ivives, &c., that thou shouldst
enter into covenant with the Lord thy God, and into his oath,
which tlie Lord thy God maketh with thee this day^. Why
should we not then think that the Mediator of the neiv cove-
nant did include these little ones as well as others in that uni-
versal expression, and that he would have them enter into
covenant with God ? If any ask why our Saviour did not then
expressly mention them, the answer will be easy ; that there
was no need for him to express every particular subject of
baptism, seeing it was so well known before by the common
practice of the Jews, and by the former covenant ; and there-
fore liis chief intent in those words was to tell them in what
manner and form they should now baptize, viz. In the name
of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, which had not been
yet used, but now was to be every where practised. I have
no mind to add more, but beseech the Lord that all those
who dispute against infant-baptism may behave themselves like
men baptized ; and remember that humility, modesty, and
peaceableness of spirit are great doctrines in the Christian
school, and that if so many good and learned men have erred
(as they think), then so may they.
A few words concerning the third general head of our dis-
course may perhaps lend a little further hght to this business,
and manifest that there is not so much required as some ima-
gine to qualify and capacitate a person for baptism. For,
III. It is said here that napaxpyifJ-f^, ' straightway,' ' immedi-
ately,' without any further proof, he was baptized. If you
look back, you shall find that Paul and Silas being close pri-
" I Cor. X. 2. ^ Deut. xxix. lo, ii, 12.
A Discourse concerniny Baptism.
37
souers at Philippi, there was about midnight a great earth-
quake, that made both the prison and the jailor also shake,
and opened both the doors of the prison and of the heart of
the keeper; for this strange trembling of the earth, it is very
likely, caused him to apprehend that these were divine persons,
for whom such a wonder was wrought, and so to come trem-
bling before them, and inquire what he must do to be saved Y.
They told him, that he must believe o)^ the Lord Jesus, and
accordingly spake to him, the word of the Lord^, i. e. proved
to him that Jesus was the Son of God, and taught men the
true religion and way to life. The very same hour he took
them and washed their stripes, and then was washed himself in
the name of Christ.
By this it will appear, that though a profession of faith be
required, yet not a distinct belief of every thing in Christ's re-
ligion, for that could not in the space of an hour be compre-
hended. He therefore having a general knowledge that Jesus
was the Son of God, and a teacher sent fi'om heaven to do men
great good, and professing a readiness to be taught by him, was
received by baptism into Christ's school to learn of him. That
such a knowledge, together with a repentance of their fore-past
evil life, did sufficiently qualify for baptism, you may see by
consulting these places, Acts ii. All the sermon of the apostle
tends to no other purpose, but to prove that Jesus whom they
crucified was the promised seed ; which he demonstrates from
his resurrection, and the effects of it, that abundantly declared
he was made Lord and Christ^. When this was cleared to
them, their hearts were pricked to think what they had done ;
and he exhorts them to repent of it and receive baptism, which
thi'ee thousand of them immediately did, as you read ^ ; and
continued steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine'^, i. e. learning
of that religion to which they saw so much reason to addict them-
selves. So we find that Philip preached Jesus to the eunuchd,
and required only this profession of him, that he believe ivith
all his heart that Jesus is the Son of God, and then he zvent
down into the ivater tvith him and baptized him^. And
again, Paul was pressed in spirit, and testified to the Jeivs that
Jesus ivas Christ^ ; and then. Crispus believed, on the Lord
y Acts xvi. 29, 31. lb. 31, 32. a Acts ii. 36. ^ jb^^j
<■ lb. 42. Acts viii. 35. c n,. ^j^. f Acts -xviii. 5.
38
Aqua Genitalis : or,
tuith his whole house ; and many of the Corinthians hearing
believed, and were baptized s. So in all other places, you will
find there was so little space between their preaching and bap-
tizing, that they could not well be taught more than this, that
he was the Messiah or Christ that was expected, and that all
must be obedient to him. So that this washing did admit
them and engage them to be his disciples, to be taught and in-
structed by him, and to learn the way of God perfectly, which
they could not but Relieve he would acquaint them withal,
being a messenger sent by God unto them. And this is most
plainly intimated in the words of that commission Christ deli-
vered unto them. Go and teach or disciple all nations, &cg.^
Avhere there are two teachings, the one before, the other after
baptism. The first can be no more than a persuasion of them
to become the disciples of Christ, and put themselves into his
school because he was the Son of God ; and then, after they
were baptized, follows a more accurate and full instruction of
them in all the parts of their duty, Avhich is meant by those
words, bibdaKovTis avrow, &c., teachinrj them to observe all
things ivhatsoever I have commanded you. Where the word
for teaching is different from that in the foi'mer verse, /xa^Tjrew-
o-are, and signifies a larger knowledge of Christ's doctrine,
Avhich they had engaged themselves to observe, being assured
the Son of God could teach tlicm nothing but the truth.
And this I take to be the reason why so many fell off again
from this profession, when the displeasing doctrines of Christ
came to be pi-actised. They had not considered what it would
cost them to be Christians, but only, as I said, were in general
and in some measure convinced that he was God's Son, and
that they must be his disciples ; and so they liked no longer to
be his followers, when their carnal interests came to be touch-
ed, and Avhen they saw that he was such a Master as would not
let them have their own will, nor enjoy this present world, nor
(in one word) serve two masters, God and their mammon too.
Though they did in gross (as I said) profess to forsake their
sins and lead a holy life ; yet when they came to be informed
in the particulars of self-denial, and such hard lessons, they re-
turned rather with the dog to the vomit, and the washed sow
to the wallowino; in the mire'.
E Acts xviii. 8. Matth. xxvili. 19, 20. ■ 2 Pet, ii. 22.
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
39
That I may put an end to this discourse, let me shew you a
little how it will be useful to you, and have an influence upon
practice ; and if you be believing and obedient, I shall be con-
fident I have not made you misspend an hour in perusing Avhat
I have represented.
USE I.
Take notice of the great wisdom of our Lord, that though he
hath left us an outward ceremony still in his church, yet it is
such an one that signifies not one thing, but the whole religion ;
and not only signifies, but engages us unto our duty. You
have seen that baptism expresseth the whole covenant of grace
between God and us, and whereas the Jews had several rites
and usages to set forth and represent several duties, Christ hath
left us only this, together with the bread and wine in the other
sacrament ; which are such as are easy to be had, and to be
practised ; and are simple, plain, and easy to be understood ;
and do also shew us our whole duty, and likewise lay engage-
ments upon us to perform it ; so that we cannot use either of
them, but thereby we are bound to be wholly God's, and en-
tirely devoted to his service. And therefore,
USE II.
Secondly, let me strongly plead with you in the behalf of
God, to take heed to yourselves and your ways according to
his word. You are all baptized into Christ, and thereby you
have put on Christ ; you have solemnly engaged yourselves to
" live righteously, soberly, and godlily in this present evil
world;" and as the apostle saith of circumcision, so I say to
you, / testify to every man that is haj^tized, that he is a
debtor to observe the whole Gospel^. What then have you to
do with the devil, whom you have renounced ? Why are you
so in love with the world, which you have forsaken, and from
which you are divorced? Why are you so tender of the in-
terests of the flesh, which you promised to mortify and ci'ucify
together with Christ ? What is the reason that you renounce
Christ in your lives, as if you were ashamed of his pro-
fession ?
Is baptism but a cold ceremony ? or do you think the
washing of the flesh will save you? Not only the apostle'
^ Gal. v. 3. 1 I Pet. iii. 21.
40
Aqua Genitalis : or,
confutes you, but you shall hear yourselves put to silence out
of the mouth of a very Jew. " He that bclieveth not as he
ought," saith the author of the book Nitzachon, " his circum-
cision doth not make him a Jew ; but he that cloth believe
aright is a Jew, though he be not circumcised"^." One would
not expect such language from them that glory in circum-
cision ; but God hereby shames such outward professors, tliat
glory in baptism as they did in circumcision, though they be
not the followers of faithful Abraham^. As long as their ears,
and tongue, and heart were uncircumcised (for of all those we
read), their foreskin remained ; and as long as our thoughts,
and words, and ways are impure, we are in effect unbaptized.
If then outward baptism Avill not save, why do you not
cleanse yourselves from all filthiness both of flesh and spirit,
and perfect holiness in the fear of God ? Do you not at all
value the promises of God ? Is it no favour to be his children,
to have forgiveness of sins, and an inheritance among those
that are sanctified tlirough faith ? Or is there any other way
•wherein these can be attained ? Can you find a shorter cut to
heaven by some other passage ? Assure yourselves that there
is no other covenant whereby to pai'take of these promises, but
that covenant which is consigned by baptism, whereby we
stand engaged to the performance of such duties as our Sa-
viour doth require. We shall miserably flatter and abuse our-
selves, if we imagine to come to heaven any other way than
through the covenant of baptism ; wherein we promise to for-
sake all the enemies of God, and to adhere and cleave to liim
faithfully and loyally against all the persuasions and tempta-
tions of the devil, world, and flesh ; and therefore unless we
can shew a new gospel, and be baptized over again by the ap-
pointment of God, and obtain some easier and more pleasing
conditions, let us arm ourselves against and bid defiance unto
them, and resolve that no lust shall escape with its life. What!
Art thou a Christian, and as fond of the pleasures of the world
as a Pagan ? as loth to displease the flesh, as if thou hadst
been initiated in the impure mysteries of the heathen ? as co-
vetous, as if thou wert an idolater, and didst worship a god of
gold? as sensual, beastly, devilish in thy affections, passions,
" V. Joseph, de Voysin, de leg. " Exod. vi. 12. Jer. vi. 10. ix,
Div. cap. 44. [p. 629.] 26.
A Discourse concerning/ Baptism.
41
and conversation, as if thou wcrt soifle black African, and hadst
never been enlightened ? Oh ! do not live as if thou hadst been
baptized in the devil's name, and hadst sworn to be his bond-
man, and entered a protestation against God and Christ, and
all communion with heaven. 0 hve not, 1 beseech you, as if it
were your religion for to sin ; as if you had been baptized in a
ditch, and washed with puddle-water, and had professed to be
as dirtily and basely employed as ever you were able. Did
your baptism signify that you should be drowned in drink ?
that you should be buried vilely and covetously in the earth ?
that you should rise and lift up your head against heaven?
that you should fill the air with oaths, and blasphemies, and
noisome speeches? and that you should defy God, and all
above ? No, the devil himself durst not urge a witch to make
such a covenant with him ; and therefore his art and subtlety
is to make men live after this profane sort, though they make
not such a profession ; and he labours to baptize and drench
their souls in this belief, that the covenant of grace signifies all
on God's part, and nothing at all on theirs. They are even
swallowed up in these conceits, that they shall enjoy pardon,
grace, and salvation, and be privileged from wi-ath to come ;
and in the meantime, take care only to do as they please, to
live vypbv fiiov, as the heathens' phrase is", ' a moist, soft, and
delicate life,' and to swim to heaven in rivers of pleasure and
carnal delisrhts. What swarms and herds of followers should a
man have that went about and preached such a baptism for
the commission of sins ? but there is no need any one should do
the devil that service ; for the baptism of Christ is made one of
his mysteries, and all our preaching cannot root out this bcHef,
that Christ will be tlie author of eternal salvation to them that
do not obey him. But it is as clear as the light, that a cove-
nant is between two persons, and both are engaged to some
performances; and that God is no otherwise bound in this
baptismal covenant than we are bound also ; and that he gives
pardon upon no other conditions but these, that we forsake the
devil, the world, and all the lusts of the ficsli. If we therefore
renounce this part, then we discharge him of all that he hath
" [Vid. Athen. Deipnos. lib. vi. p. 465. Chrysost. in Rom. hom.
cap. 72. p. 258 b; Junium in prov. 24. torn. ix. \t.Ci()() E; Steph.Thes.
' Uvida vita,' inter adagia Erasmi, Gr. 9760 A.]
42
Aqua Genitalis : or,
promised. And the truth is, it is very ridiculous to imagine
that God should wash us there clean, that ever after we misht
be as foul as we please. As if a Muscovian Christian who spits
upon the ground with indignation P when he renounces the
devil in baptism, should presently fall do^vn and lick it up
again. Or, as if one should put on a garment of hght, be clad
with a white robe, that he might sweep chimneys, and rake in
kennels, or lead dung-carts about the streets. K we be the
children of the light, then we must have no fellowship with the
unfruitful works of darkness, nor bemire oui"selves in the filth
and dirt of the world. If we be Christ's disciples, we must not
only make a face and spit when we hear the devil named, but
we must abhor his works, and defy all his filthy lusts, and have
our very stomach rise at all that comes from hell. And so men
would, were they not juggled into a behef that they defy the
devil, while he embraces them in his arms. I remember a story
in the life of a Romish reUgiousq, how that she should see one
day in a vision the soul of a sinner dragged to hell, and
beyond the mercy of purgatory, •' for not having in account the
spiritual treasures of the church, but despising both indulgences
and all other graces wliich she grants her children." So doth
the devil labour to nurse in men's heai'ts a persuasion that
outward thincrs can save them, and that he can do them no
harm if they be baptized, keep the church, say their prayers,
and receive the minister's blessing, which is all they think that
baptism engages them imto : and they make the same use of
P [Sigismund Baro in Comment.
Rer. Muscov. p. 37. The same
practice is reported of the Christians
of Ethiopia by Baratti, — Travels,
&c. p. 141.]
1 SoBur Maria Maddalena de
Patsi. [al. Pazzi, — Act. Sanct. Bol-
land. in Mai. 25. tom. vi. p. 206 F.
In the life of the saint, WTitten in
Italian by Fr.Vincentio Puccini, her
ghostly father or confessor, and
translated into Enghsh by G. B.
8vo. Cologne, 1619, the same anec-
dote is related, chap. hii. p. 196. It
is not contained however in the
abridged French version of the same
work by Father Lezin de Sainte
Scholastique, provincial of the re-
formed Carmelites of Touraine,trans-
lated anew into Enghsh by Dr.
Thos. Smith of Magd. coll. Oxod,
with a preface " concerning the na-
ture, causes, concomitants, and con-
sequences of Exstacy and Rapture,"
4to. Lond. 16S7. This celebrated
saint, whose baptismal name was
Catharina, was the daughter of Geri
de Pazzi and Maria Buondelmenti,
both descended from illustrious fa-
milies in Florence. She was bom
April 2, 1566, took the vows of re-
ligion Jan. 30, 1583, became one of
the chief ornaments of the Carmel-
ite order, and died May 25, 1607.]
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
43
Christ that others do of the pope, thinking to buy a pardon (if
they have not one already) by the profession of such a hoHness
as the devil, if he were incarnate, need not be afraid of, but
might swear he would maintain. O wliat pity is it that Christ
should be thus abused, and his institutions perverted, and souls
undone, when it is so plain what he would have us to do that
wc may be saved !
But will not some little sprinklings of holiness serve the
turn? may some say. May we not allow some place for self-
pleasing, and gratify our own desires sometimes, seeing we
wallow not always in filthiness ? No ; baptism, though only
upon the face, signifies the washing of the whole man from spi-
ritual pollutions ; and though only once administered, puts us
into a state of purity, which must not willingly admit of any
defilement. And let those men know that have their good
moods, their cold fits of repentance and their hot fits of zeal,
that use religion as the papists do holy water, when they are
entering into the church and going to perform some devotion,
that Christ owns no such disciples. They were not baptized in
lukewarm water, but were engaged in a state of mortification,
and entered into Christ's death; and he expects a constant
performance of obedience. There were a people in Illyi'icumi"
that were washed but three times in all their lives, at their
birth, at their marriage, and at their death. And they may
be a picture of most Christians amongst us, who in their infancy
are washed in Christ's name ; and then perhaps against some
solemn time, when the sacrament of the Lord's supper is near,
they begin to put away their sins, and perhaps baptize them-
selves in tears, and deck up themselves, as though they would
meet the bridegroom and be married unto him ; and of this you
shall hear no more (unless at such a time as that) till death
tell them that he can stay no longer, and some sickness arrests
them ; then they begin to slubber and cry, to sigh and groan,
as if by tears they could wash away their guilt, and by a few
sighs and good wishes blow away the black clouds of wrath
that hang over their heads. They make religion to be a few
strong pangs of devotion at certain times of their life, and
Christ to be pleased with any thing, glad of any company ; and
f [The Dai (lanes,] /Elian. 1. 4. \'ar. Hist. c. i.
44
Aqua Genitalis : or,
heaven to be an empty void place that wants inhabitants;
much Hke to the new-found Avorld, whither we send the most
rascal people. But Christ will shortly appear to all the world,
to confute all such men, and he Avill drench them in seas of
fire, the floods of his wrath shall overwhelm tliem. and they
shall never rise again.
But is there such great danger then ? may some say. Will
not God be something more favourable to us than other men,
and will not the waters of baptism a little quench and cool the
flames ?
Cool them? No, they will be like water upon lime, which
will make it burn the hotter. Even this will be pleaded against
you, that you were baptized. If a soldier sworn to Caesar
should forsake his camp and fly to the Turks, would he not be
punished more than a stranger when he was taken, and suffer
as a false and treacherous fellow, as a runagate and a perjui'ed
person ? Who would admit of such a plea from his mouth, — I
am no forsworn wretch, I never denied Csesar, nor renounced
my allegiance to him ; no man ever heard me speak a word
against him ? Might it not easily be returned to him, — But
thou didst deny him in thy actions, thou hast more than
forsworn him, for thou hast fought against him ; yea, thou hast
joined with a tyrant, with the greatest enemy the emperor
hath, and the sworn foe of all Christians ; if such a fellow
should live, who should die ? What is the axe and the gibbet
made for, if not for such traitorous villains? The gallows
would think much, if thou shouldst be reprieved. Thou
I'eadest thy own case, O Christian, if thou hvest in sin, and
sidest with the devil, and takest thy share with the world,
whom thou hast renounced in word, but not in deed. What
though thou dost not call the Lord Christ a deceiver f What
though thou dost not revile the holy name whereby we are
called ? thou dost a great deal worse ; thou bendest all thy
forces thou hast against him, as if he were a thief and a robber;
thou labourcst to destroy his kingdom ; thou tramplest under
foot the blood of the covenant, and makest Christ unto thee of
none effect. Which is the worst enemy, he that speaks thee
fair, and with a kiss stabs thoe to the heart ; or he that bids
thee stand upon thy guard, and declares himself resolved
against thy life 1 I will assm-e you, Tm-ks arc not such enemies
A Discourse concerning Baptism. 45
to Christ, as those that pretend to him, and yet do him all the
despite they can in their lives. Better had it been for them
that some band of sokUers had ravished them from their mo-
thers' breasts, and listed them under Mahomet's banners ;
better had it been for them to have been Janizaries, than to
own and acknowledge the Christian profession, and Uve so pro-
fanely without God in the world.
Heathens may sin at a cheaper rate than we, because they
never made any such promise unto God. They may do evil
with a better front, and more confident countenance, that
never received any such mark in their forehead. But a
Christian face which is besprinkled with clean water in the
name of Christ shoidd blush, mcthinks, at any impurity ; and
the mark of Christ tliat is upon him should make him more
modest than to sin. But if he will besmear himself again, and
have the impudence to outface Christ, he shall pay dearly for
it. For he breaks his vow to God, and thereby comes under
the curse which is annexed to the covenant as well as the
promise. And all these terrible threatcnings of Christ which
in baptism he promised to beheve as well as any other word of
God, shall all fall upon his head, and he shall be cast into a
lake indeed', but it is a lake burning with fire and brimstone.
Better had it been for such an one if he had been drowned in
the font, or entered into the gates of death when he entered
into the gates of the church ; it had been better for him if he
had been branded with a hot iron in his forehead, or scalding
oil had been poured upon his face, when it was washed with
water in the name of Christ. The flames of hell shall eternally
burn and consume, without any consumption, that filleth thy
soul*, whose dirt the waters of baptism and the fires of the
Holy Ghost could not fetch out and scour away. And if any
complain of their weakness,
USE HI.
Thirdly, here is matter of comfort to us. We are in a cove-
nant of grace ; there is a redemption for us if we have a mind
to be delivered ; we have assurance of the assistance of the
Holy Ghost, and if we be sincerely watchful and diligent, he
s Rev. xxi. 8.
t [So all the editions. The author i)robahly wrote ' that filthy soul.']
46
Aqua Genitalis : or.
will not because of our failings take away his Holy Spirit from
us. Through the Sph-it of Christ we shall be able to do
valiantly, nothing shall be too hard to overcome, but we shall
tread all our enemies under our feet.
Let us march out therefore as the solchcrs of Christ, carry-
ing his cross in our banners ; let us profess and declare that we
are crucified to the world, that we are buried with Christ in
baptism, and reckon ourselves to be dead indeed unto sin, but
alive unto God through Jesus Christ our Lord. Let not sin
therefore reign in your mortal bodies, that you shoidd obey it
in the lusts thereof. Neither yield ye your members as in-
struments of unrighteousness unto sin : but yield yourselves
unto God, as those that are alive from the dead, and your
members as instruments of righteousness imto God. For sin
shall not have dominion over you : for you are not under the
law, but under grace^. It is a shame now to be overcome
when you serve under such a captain, and have heaven on your
side, and have received the promise of the Holy Ghost. Is
there no power in the Spirit of God ? or is not God as good as
his word ? Will not he give us what he hath promised, to make
us to vanquish all his enemies ? 0 do not speak such evil things
of God by doing any evil. Do not disgrace your profession,
nor bring a dishonour upon the Lord, by letting every tempta-
tion use you at its pleasure. Do not suffer every lust to foil
and worst you, as if you were Turks and infidels, and had none
of the mark or badge of God upon you. and as if your bap-
tism was of no more avail to you than the washing of your
hands. But first resolve that all these lusts of the flesh must
be overcome, and then conclude that they may. Persuade
yourselves that God is with you, and that he hath appointed
no ineffectual rites, no bare shadows, no beggarly ceremonies
and cold formalities in the rehgion of Christ ; but that if you
use your diligence and pray continually, you shall find the
Holy Ghost to accompany you, and that you are born again,
not of water only, but of the Spirit, and shall finally inherit
eternal life.
USE IV.
That you may receive greater supphes of the Spirit pro-
mised, and be more engaged to your duty, labour fully to un-
* Rom. vi. II — 14.
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
47
derstand your vow and covenant, and then come and openly
own it, professing you will bo faithful to it, that so you may be
admitted to nearer familiarity with God. Let me prevail with
all young persons who are yet in the gate of the church,
and have proceeded no further than to be baptized in their in-
fancy, and perhaps to be catechized in the principles of reli-
gion, to spend a few thoughts upon this which I propound.
For though outward baptism, which is the visible sign and seal
of the covenant, is not to be renewed ; yet the answer of a
good conscience^, wherein the inward baptism doth consist, may,
and ought to be reiterated, by a personal resumption and rati-
fication of that vow which was made for us in our infant years.
And no man is to be reputed a complete member of the church,
until he do own his engagements, and openly profess that he
will stand to the conditions of the covenant, and be a disciple
of Christ. If baptism did at first admit us into the enjoyment
of many privileges, surely we shall receive more of the bless-
ings of it, when we do seriously reflect upon it, and engage our
hearts by our own free consent to God ; because then we begin
more solemnly to perform the conditions that God requireth of
us. When I first entered upon a charge of souls, I could think
of no course so anciently attested unto, so reasonable in itself,
and so likely to be etfectual for men's good, so free hkewise
from the just exceptions of any party, as to propose this to my
people ; that all those who had not yet been commimicatcd
shoidd freely and heartily profess to be sincere and constant in
their baptismal covenant, and declare themselves enemies to
the devil, the world, and the flesh. And I will take occasion
here to profess, that I am heartily glad that Mr. Hanmer hath
proposed this^, and Mr. Baxter so earnestly pressed it upon the
whole nation, after whose pious and learned endeavours, let me
contribute my little mite to the urging those into whose hands
this small treatise shall come that they would not i-efuse it.
This Christian duty hath long passed under the name of
confirmation, which is a word full and significant of the thing
" 1 Pet. iii. 21. Church-members,' &c. with the re-
" [Jonathan Hanmer, minister of commendation of John Howe, and
the gospel at Tawton- Bishop, De- prefaced by commendatory letters
von, published in 1C57, ' TeKuaxris, from George Hughes, Richard Bax-
or An Exercitation upon Confirma- ter, and Ralph Venning ]
tion, the antient way of compleating
48
Aqua Genitalis : or,
that I would express, and consists of two parts. First, that a
person do undertake in his own name every part of the vow
made by others for him in baptism, and so personally consent
unto Christ to be wholly his according to that agreement. And
so it is an act of confirmation on our part ; because we do
hereby further ratify and estabhsh that contract which is be-
tween God and us, and by confessing of it to be valid and
good, bind ourselves faster still to him, whose we were before.
The second part of it is, a receiving of God's blessing and
grace by the hands and holy prayers of him that ministers, to
strengthen us to perform our -engagement, and make good our
word and faith which we have plighted unto God, which many
have taken to be the meaning of that place, Heb. vi. 4^, where
after baptism follows laying on of hands, which the Jews used
in their blessings.
And so it is an act of confirmation of the person on the part
of God, who confers a new grace, to strengthen and confirm in
him these holy principles, and that good resolution, of which
he hath made a faithful profession, and to enable him to keep
and persist in it. As in baptism the Holy Ghost was conveyed
as a sanctifier, so herein as a comforter and strengthener, now
that the person is entering iipon a great contest and conflict
with himself, the world, and principahties, and powei*s, and
spiritual wickedness m liigh places. The necessity of this
is not now in this age of the world as a new thing to be
learned ; there never could be a well constituted church with-
out it, nor can we tell that men are not heathens, and have not
revoked their word, unless they will tell us they understand
what they then did, and will not stir from it. But if it be vi-
sible, souls are not like in any great numbers to be saved
without some such course (so many attending upon sermons
many years that understand little or nothing) ; it will not be
disputed by sober men whether it be necessary or no ; and for
proof of this, I refer to the better works of others", thinking it
^ Besides sundry of the ancients, from which it had heen banished.
Calvin, Beza, Piscator, Hunnius, " ['of him that labours more
lUyricus, Possanus, Grynaeus, do abundantly than us all,' ed. i. re-
so expound it. See also Hyperius ferring in the margin by name to
and Bulling, in loc. who wish for ' Mr. Baxter,' whose treatise he pre-
the restoring of it in those churches sently quotes.]
A Discourse concerniay Baptism.
49
sufficient for me to persuade what abler men do prove. Let
me only produce the testimony of a very great and learned
person lately in this churchy (and add it to the words of the
reverend and learned doctor Hammond^, which you find in the
end of Mr. Baxter's book'*) ; — " For all such as have been bap-
tized in their infancy, the personal resumption and ratification
of that vow which their fathers and mothers in God chd make
for them at the sacred laver, is to be exacted of them ore tenus,
in some public congregation, before they can lawfully be ad-
mitted to be pubUc communicants of Christ's body and blood."
And though he can find no default in the doctrine or laws of
our church, yet (he saith) he " dare not avouch so much for
justifying the men to whom the execution of those laws is com-
mended, whether they be of lower, of higher, or of the highest
rank :" it having been scarce in his observation, that any pre-
sentments were made in visitation of " the parents for not
bringing persons to," or "of ministers for not preparing them
for confirmation ;" " much less against diocesans themselves for
not executing their office in this great service of the church."
And he concludes in these remarkable words, " Whether the
solemn baptizing of all infants which are the children of pre-
sumed Christian parents throughout this kingdom, without
solemn astipulation that they shall at years of discretion per-
sonally ratify their vow in baptism in public in such manner as
the church requires, be not rather more lawful or more toler-
able than expedient, I leave it with all submission to the consi-
deration of higher powers." And he blesses God that he was
in a convenient age, in a happy time and place, presented to
ratify his vow made for him by his sureties, &c., which sure he
would not have done, if lie had not found it very beneficial
unto his spiritual good and welfare.
The same author hath these words in a treatise published in
his lifetime, •'"He that sets his hand unto the sacred plough
y Dr. Jackson, 1. lo. upon the * [" Confirmation and Restaura-
Creed, cap. 50. [Works, vol. ix. p. tion, the necessary means of Re-
548.] to which add the words of an- formation," &c. — 8vo. Lond. 16.^8.]
other more ancient annexed at the ^ Treatise of Faith, sect. 3. cap. 3.
end of this treatise, and hecause of par. 5. ["Justifying Faith, or the
its length not here inserted. Faith by which the just do live,"
^ ["View of the Directory," &c. &c. Lond. 1615. p. 293. Comment,
chap.i. § 41. Works, tom.i. p. 156.] on the Creed, book iv. vol. iii. p. 397.]
PATRICK, VOL. I. E
50
Aqua Genitalis: or,
should first begin to sound the depth of that rule, What it is to
deny ourselves and forsake all we have ; for in this furrow
must the seed of life be sown. Here novices in religion com-
monly begin to balk, and no wonder, seeing so few are called
to any strict personal account of that which others have under-
taken for them at their first admission into the bead-roll^ of
Christians. But if that treble vow^ were distinctly and fully
unfolded unto us as soon as we had any knowledge of good and
evil ; and all the several branches of God's covenant with as
great care and solemnity inculcated as Moses commanded the
Law should be to the Israelites' children ; and lastly, the vow
itself confirmed and ratified by our personal protestation in the
sight of the congregation : the fear as well of God as of shame
before men, in whose presence we made this profession, would
bind many of us to more Christian behaviour than the best of
us, as the world goes, dare make show of ; as also restrain us
from many deadly enormities, which now admonished of wc
will not account any sins. Thus prepared to receive it, it
would be over-much infidelity to distrust the plentiful infusion
of inherent sanctifying grace at our solemnities of confirmation ;
were these first sanctified with public prayers, or performed
with such Christian care and dihgence as they ought : a reli-
gious duty in the Chi'istian church, which it were to be wished
might be performed more often, more solemnly, and more re-
ligiously than it useth to be."
And indeed who sees not that great benefits would hence
flow, both to particular persons and to the church of God*^ 1 It
would be a means to make men more knowing in the things of
their salvation ; to tie them more strictly to mind the affairs of
their souls ; to work in them a deeper sense of the great busi-
ness of being a Christian. It would make men more afraid to
commit a sin against which they had so solemnly and publicly
protested. It would bring religion to be a thing creditable and
more in fashion than it is, when men did so openly appeal* for
it and engage themselves unto it. It is at once acceptable to
God, and safe to ourselves ; and so will be accompanied vnih
^ [From Bead, the past part, of simply, — Johnson's and Richard-
Biddan, ' orare,' ' to bid,' ' to in- son's Diets.]
vite,' ' to sohcit,' ' to pray.' A cata- ^ Which was made in baptism,
logue or roll of those who are to be <* See the testimony annexed at
mentioned at prayers ; thence a list, the end of this treatise.
A Discourse concerning Baptisvi.
51
his grace, and in its own nature cut off many enticements of
the world. It will bid us stand upon our reputation in the
pursuit of religion, and not run the hazard of being perjured
persons. Wicked men will not have the confidence to ask us
to sin, when we have so publicly disowned them. You com-
plain of evil company, of friends and acquaintance that engage
you ; do but let them know that you intend to be religious, and
they will let you alone. The philosophers openly professed a
severe and unusual life, that all men might let them Hve philo-
sophically, and not be a disturbance imto them. Let but us do
so, and be professedly religious, and solemnly tell all men that
we mean to keep our vows, and they will have the less boldness
for to trouble us. Our work is half done when we are heartily
resolved ; and more than half when we profess these reso-
lutions. It will bring us to man's estate, that we may feed at
the table of the Lord ; whereby we may increase in strength,
and have more near commimion with the Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost. Though I will not say that till this be done men
are members of the church imperfectly, yet I must needs think
that they are but imperfect members, they are but babes and
infants in Christ, and not to be admitted (in the judgment of all
ages) to taste of the meat of men, till they shew themselves to
be men by speaking for themselves. In short, it will be a
great security and defence against temptations, and we shall
recoil upon ourselves when we are assaulted, saying, How shall
we do tliis wickedness, and break our vows, and scandalize the
church, and bring the guilt of perjury upon oui* own souls ?
It is observed by Jos. de Voysin^, out of the author of the
book Ikkarim, that the elevation of the hands of the priest in
the old law at the blessing of the people was imposition of
hands ; and this blessing the author of Tzeror Hammor^ calls
the " weapons and armour of Israel," the artillery (as it were)
and the bulwarks of his people. I will assure you, that this
solemn engagement, together with God's grace and blessing
that will descend upon you, will be your great guard and de-
fence, your sword and buckler to beat off temptations that are
apt most strongly to assault your younger years, before you
have had experience of the world's vanity. Therefore he that
^ [De lege div. cap. 44. p. 640. cap. 45. p. 678.]
f [Ibid. cap. 45. p. 678.]
E 'i
52
Aqua Genitalis : or.
would not be without a shield in the midst of fiery darts, he
that would not be weak and feeble among strong enemies, that
would not be a prey to the devil and the world, let him come
and put himself under the wings of the divine Majesty by his
own actual consent, let him give up himseli" into the hands
of God, to be kept by his power through faith unto salvation.
There is nothing can hinder any man from embracing this
motion, but that which will hinder men from being thorough
Christians and living godly in Christ Jesus. And we may be
confident that none are fit to receive the sacrament of Christ's
body and blood that are not willing to submit unto it. For he
that hungers after the sweeter tastes of Christ's love, that de-
sires to unite his heart more closely to him, and to engage
himself more firmly in the covenant of God by receiving the
remembrances of his love, will not refuse to do that in word
which he intends to do in deed. If he really mean to be a
practiser of Christ's religion, and to testify to the world that
the deeds thereof are evil, and contradict their manners in his
conversation, then he will not stick to condemn them in his
words, and renounce them solemnly by his mouth, which is the
far easier matter.
Will any man be ashamed to make such a profession, and to
tread in the way of Christ's church, because it hath been of
late disused, or turned into another thing ? Why shouldst thou
blush to own holiness ? to say before Christ's church thou art
resolved to lead a Christian life, and renounce the devil and all
the ways of wickedness? Why shouldst thou be ashamed of
thy religion, as though it were fit to be professed only in a
private corner where none should hear thee ? Why should it
be accounted a strange thing to protest love to God ? It is an
honour and glory to us that we may be Christians, and so we
should esteem it. We should be glad if we can do our Saviour
so much honour as to confess him openly before men, that so
he may confess us before all his holy angels. AVe may be con-
fident that we shall never in a time of persecution confess him
(of which these places in the margin speak?), if we cannot be
persuaded to do it among the children of peace. Will any one
be ashamed that it should be told by the minister that such an
one declared himself a Chi-istian, and hath to me avowed his
s Matth. X. 32. Mark viii. 38. Rom. x. 8, 9, 10.
A Discourse concernim/ Baptism.
53
religion, and solemnly said, that he will by the grace of (Jod
make good his baptismal promise ? Will any one be loth it
should be publicly said that he means to live as a Christian ?
Why then should he not say so himself? Suppose you were not
yet baptized, or had lived in the first times and heard Christ
preached ; woixld you be unwilling to come and profess that
you renounced the devil, the world, and their lusts ? Shall
none own the religion of Christ publicly but infants that cannot
understand it ? The more we know, shall we be the more loth
to declare our liking of his ways ? Are you unwilling to repre-
sent the child's person, and profess pubUcly for it in the con-
gregation ? Why shoidd you not do that for yourselves which
you are willing to do for others ? Cannot he that comes in the
name of a child and saith " I beheve," &c. " 1 renounce," &c.
come and do the same in his own name? 1 do really think
that they that are unwilling to undertake Christ's profession
by an open promise would not be baptized if it had not been
done in their infant years ; they would remain rather heathens
and infidels than be received into the church of God ; for upon
no lower conditions than these are could they ever have been
admitted to any Christian privileges. Unless therefore you
will shew yourselves to want all understanding, and not fit to
be treated as men of common reason, put not away from you
so many entreaties. If you think your baptism to be worth
your owning, if you would not really be without it, but take
yourselves to be the better for it ; renew solemnly that league
and promise with God, and do not persuade yourselves and
others that you prize the baptism, while you are unwilling unto
this ; for if that were not done, you would certainly omit it as
a needless ceremony, as well as this which always accompanied
it in the chm'ch of Christ. Seeing nothing can reasonably be
thought to make you unwilling but a lothness to be good and
engage to live well, do not by refusing cast an aspersion upon
yourselves of having renounced Christ, and secretly entered
into a confederacy with the devil to destroy his kingdom, and
trample under foot his blood as an unholy thing l^.
When this confirmation was looked upon by the multitude as
a means only to receive something from God, but not as laying
any obligation upon men, it was a wonder (I should have said
^ Vid. Anton, de Dom. de Repiib. Ecclcs. [lib. v. cap. 5. torn. ii. p. 54,
sqq.]
54
Aqua Genitalis : or.
no wonder) to sec wliat flocks and herds of people came unto it.
In queen Mary's days, (as Saunders i tells us,) when this custom
by a provincial I' decree of Cardinal Pole's was renewed after
long neglect, the people were so zealous to receive the bishop's
blessing (which was all they went for), that in some places the
church could not contain the people that resorted to him, and
he was fain to confirm in the church-yard, and to be defended
by armed men from the press of the multitude.
Why should not men come now in as great crowds, when
another renewal in a more solemn manner is proposed ? Why
should not the young people assemble themselves together and
say, Come, let us go to the house of the Lord, let us own
Christ to be our Lord and Saviour ? but only because men are
loth to be engaged to fear God, and do love a Christ of their
own maldng, that shall do all for them, and require them to do
nothing for him ? If God will have men as they are, they can
be content to afford him their company ; but if he expect any
amendment, they desire to be excused from making him any
promise of it, and hope that they shall find him so kind in the
conclusion as not to exact it. May not he be well satisfied
without any bond from us, when (in men's account) he will
never demand the debt ? Why should we pass our word for
that which will never be I'equired ? seeing God can bear with
men's rebellions, why would his ministers be so rigid as to
exact an oath of allegiance ? These are the thoughts of men's
hearts, that God will cross all scores at the last, and then to
what purpose is it to make any such serious engagements ? If
we had a window into men's breasts, we should see this prin-
ciple engraven on their hearts, that all the Gospel is promises,
and all their work is to believe them to be true ; and so there
need not so much be done, as to make an- open profession of
this belief.
i De Schism, [lib. ii. p. 247.]
^ There were decrees long before
to enforce it, as that of archbishop
Peckham, an. 1281, wherein he calls
the disuse of it 'damnable negligence.'
[ " Confirmationis in super sacra-
mentum multi negligunt temerarie,
quia desunt forsan ad talia vigiles
hortatores ; adeo ut plures immo
innumeri sint inveterati dierum ma-
lorum, qui nondum confirmationis
gratiam receperunt. Cui negligen-
tise damnabili obviantes, statuimus,
ut nullus ad sacramentum corporis
et sanguinis Domini admittatur,
extra mortis articulum, nisi fuerit
confirmatus, vel nisi fuerit a recep-
tione confirmationis rationabiliter
impeditus." — Const. J. Peckham, in
concil. Lambeth, apud Wilkins,
Concill. torn. ii. p. 53.]
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
55
If popery should again prevail in England, and such a
decree should be again revived, what would these men do ?
Would they be so backward as now they are to present them-
selves before the congregation of God ? It is most likely that
fear or fancy might make those men receive their ointment in
the forehead, and box on the ear (as the manner is in their
confirmation), who now will not for the love of God profess
they hate sin, and intend to lead a holy hfe. So constantly it
falls out, that what hath diflaculty in it is refused, and all that
requu-es our serious attention upon some account or other is
rejected ; and men would go to heaven they know not how,
and be saved from hell, but not from their sins. Yea, some are
so ignorant as to call this a pojnsh ceremony, when it is very
plain that if it wei'e they would not speak against it. If only
their children were to be blessed that understand nothing, we
might easily persuade them to send them, when as they will
rather themselves remain childi-en than make any solemn cove-
nant with God by their own mouths. If a character (as they
speak) was to be impressed, and the benefit to arise ex opere
ojjerato, ' out of the mere doing of the work,' they would
AviUingly be so sealed for heaven ; but if they must set then-
own seal to any engagements, they withdraw their hands, and
will presume upon some other way of conveyance and making
over God's great blessings to them. If they can be saved by
sprinkling water on their face, and the woman can carry them
in her arms to heaven as she doth unto the font, they are con-
tent, it costs them no trouble at all. But if it were to do again,
if it must cost them repentance, a holy hfe, and a hearty pro-
fession of it, they Avould scorn that baptism wherein they now
trust so much ; and they would rather venture to be as they
were born, than be washed from their pollutions on such condi-
tions. 0 that men would take these things at least so far into
their thoughts as to pass a serious judgment upon them, whe-
ther they be true or false ! Do not read these lines without a
little pause. And then go on and consider with thyself how
unlikely it is, that they who even break their brains with study
to do men good, and sigli till their heart ache after men's sal-
vation, should be the greatest enemies of men, the troublers of
their peace, and that love to persuade them needless or indif-
ferent things that may as well be left undone.
Let some honest heathens (for a conclusion) be admitted for
56
Aqua Genitalis : or.
to plead the cause of this truth, and perhaps they may make
those faces blush who look on these lines, but are loth to shew
themselves in any public presence to profess their rehgion.
When the Persian youths were out of theu' minority and came
to men's estate, they gave them an oath which they solemnly
took in this form, " I swear that I will despise all filthy lucre,
bodily pleasures, and vain glory ; that I will rather be emidous
of virtue and worship God, I'everence my parents, speaking
truth and doing good, neithei- will I ever wittingly and will-
ingly violate any of these things'." Sm-e these old heathens
would not have refused to do what is now desired, had they
embraced our rehgion, who thus amply pi'otested and took
their oath that they would be good.
Juhus Pollux likewise relates the like custom among the
Greeks in the commonwealth of Athens"^. When their young
men were twenty years of age their names were inscribed in
the city rolls, and they swore in the open air as if they would
have all the world to hear them, '• I will never disgrace my
arms, nor forsake my fellow soldier in his danger ; I will fight
both alone and with others foi' God and my comitry ; I will
sail to any region of the world whither I am commanded, and
will neither disturb nor betray my country ; I will observe the
perpetual solemnities, and obey the received customs and all
that shall be hereafter made ; I will defend and ever have in
reverence the religion in which 1 was born" ; iforopes Oeol rov-
Toiv, 'the gods are witnesses of these things.'" Will not you
Christians then promise thus much to your Lord now that you
are of age, to fight against all his enemies, to be true to God
and to him, and that you will never dishonour your profession,
nor forsake the communion of saints, nor deny hun any service
that he commands, nor neglect the solemnities that he hath
appointed ? Then may the Persians and Athenians rise up in
the judgment against you and condemn you.
Do men refuse the oath of allegiance to then" prince, whose
natural subjects they are, and under whose protection they
have been born and bred ? Would you deny to acknowledge in
open coui't an insti'ument for your act and deed which was
' Isidor. Pelus. 1. iv. Epist. 198. Ulpian. in Deinosth. "Slfivvov eV
[j). 525 D.] dypavXa, Ov KOTaitrxwio ra owXa,
"1 Ti. 8. c. 9. [p. 924.] and like- k. t. X. [de Falsa liCgat. fol. 59 a.]
wise Stobaei [serm. 141. p. 4 14.] et " 'Upa waTpia.
A Discourse concerning Baptism.
57
signed in your name in infancy and conveys great benefits unto
you ? Let the King of heaven then have so much right done
him. Let your own souls be the greatest part of your care,
and let it not be said that a rational creature will do that for
an acre of land, which he will not do to obtain heaven and all
the territories above. What joy would it cause in heaven and
earth to see men coming to desire communion on these condi-
tions, to behold men crowding into the kingdom of heaven as
they do into a church, and longing after the food of the
faithful as they do for meat and drink ! Rejoice, I beseech you,
the heart of God, refresh the souls of his servants, and add to
the sweetness of the table of the Lord, by letting us have more
good company at so joyful a feast. But if all entreaties cannot
prevail,
I think the higher powers had best enact a law, that none
shall be married till they be instructed and confirmed, and that
will do it. For those that care not whether they receive the
sacrament of Christ's body and blood or no, will not Uve with-
out this sacrament (as in a large sense it may be called),
though they understand the ends and duties of it no more
than of the other. And this must be acknowledged to have
been a great cause of our disorders, that men enter into these
relations before they know the duties of them, and beget and
bring forth children, before they cease to be children them-
selves, or know how to bring them up as they should. There-
fore our reformers, it is plain, intended men should not marry
before they were well catechised and had taken their bap-
tismal vow upon themselves, knowing that those were unfit to
make a covenant with each other who knew not the covenant
of their God. For they prescribe in the last rubric of the
office of matrimony, that the persons new married must that
day receive the communion ; and in the last rubric about
confirmation say in express words, that " none shall be ad-
mitted to the holy communion until such time as they can say
the catechism and be confirmed." Let mo speak to the very
senses of vulgar people. Do you not remember the font stood
at the lower end of the church, and the communion-table at the
higher ? Could you come from the one to the other but by the
pulpit whicli stands in the middle between both ? Tliis teaches
you (if you will learn), that you are only entered into the
58
Aqua Genitalis : or,
church, and are but in the beginnings of rehgion by baptism,
and that you must advance higher by being instructed and
taught in the faith of Christ, and can no otherwise be ad-
mitted from the lower to the highest forms of Christians.
Come therefore and be instructed, and then profess you like
this doctrine and will be obedient to it ; so shall you come to
be men in Christ, and taste of all his dainties, and be satisfied
with the fat things of liis house. If all will not be granted
that is here requested, yet do not deny all° ; but at least profess
to the minister your hearty repentance and your belief in Christ,
and the willingness to submit unto hun, and to be saved by
him, that he may declare it to all others. And really shew
that you are come to an adult estate, by putting away cliildish
things and hving the hfe of men. A child (as one saith)
looketh only to things present, a man looketh to things to
come : a child attends only to pastime and pleasure, a man hath
also profit in his consideration : a child is ready to sell his in-
heritance for a trifle oi' bauble, of which a man maketh a
greater account. His carriage and behaviour hkewise dis-
tinguisheth him, and so doth his confidence against vulgar bug-
bears and afi"rightraents.
If therefore after you are confirmed, you find yourselves to
think less of things present, and more of things to come ; less
of this world, and more of the eternal reward of godhness and
everlasting pimishments of sin ; if you scorn to sell yom- hea-
venly inheritance for the trifles of tliis woi'ld that present
themselves mito you ; if you be more attentive to your spiri-
tual profit in knowledge and mortification, and not only taken
with the sweetnesses and ravishments of religion ; if your con-
versation towards God and the world be more serious, grave,
and discreet, and you are not so easily amazed with the fears
of sufferings and diflSculties in your Christian com'se ; it is a
sign that you have not received the grace of God in vain, and
the Lord will deliver you from every evil work, and preserve
° Quod totum sciri non potest, ne shop Patrick from the learned ori-
omittatur totum, siquidem scientia entalist Edward Pococke, who has
partis mehor est ignorantia totius. adopted it as a motto or prefix to
[This maxim, the translation of a his Latin version of Ab'ul Faraj's
sentence of the Arabian sai:;e Ab'ul Specimen Historiac Arabum, 4to.
Feda, was no doubt derived by hi- Oxon. 1650.]
j4 Discourse concerning Baptism.
59
you to his everlasting kingdom. Faithful is he that calleth
you, who also will do it p.
USE V.
Lastly, let me beseech all the people of God to live in love
and peace together. Let us not quarrel about every little
thing, nor make every petty difference a cause of trouble and
contention. For as the apostle saith, by one Spirit we are all
baptized into one body^. We are all by this made of the
same corporation, and taken by baptism into the same brother-
hood, and therefore should not make them the waters of strife,
and so provoke the Lord to anger against us. We are not
baptized into this or that particular opinion, nor received into
a particular church, but into the belief of the gospel, and into
the church of God in general, and therefore should love all the
disciples and follovrcrs of our Lord, and embrace all of every
persuasion that live godlily in Christ Jesus. You were not
baptized (saith the apostle'') into the name of Paul; therefore
do not say, I am of Paul, I adhere to this man or that ;
for whosoever did baptize you, it was not into the particular
love of him and his opinions, but into the communion of the
whole church of Christ, who hold the catholic faith. Though
an heretic in ancient times had baptized any man, yet did not
the Christians therefore baptize him over again when he left
those men's company; because being baptized into the name of
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, he was not received into the
profession of their particular opinions, but of the truth of
Christ universally beheved by all good Christians.
And therefore let us live with them all as our confederates,
as those that are tied together in the same bonds and united in
the same covenant, and engaged in the same cause against the
common enemies, the devil, the world, and the flesh ; and
let us never give these enemies so much cause to rejoice, as an
unhandsome word against any sincere Christian might administer.
But let us endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit in the
bond of peace ; for, as the apostle speaks, There is one Lord,
one faith, one baptism, one God and Father of all, who is
above all, and through all, and in you all^.
r] bo^a €is rows al&vas.
P [i Thess. V. 24.] n I Cor. xii. 13. r [i Cor. i. 13.] » Ephes. iv. 3, 4, 5,
APPENDIX.
The late king Charles was confirmed on Easter Monday', 1613,
^which was the thirteenth year of his age,) after a long and strict
examination by the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishop of Bath
and Wells; as Dr. George Hackwell, ear-witness of the satisfaction he
gave, assures ; who, in a little tractate ^ he upon that occasion wrote
on this subject, to justify the ancient and good practice of this ' sa-
cramental rite.' as Bucer*^ calls it, thus speaks ^ :
" Confirmation is an ancient ecclesiastical custom of the church,
used after baptism, consisting in examination and imposition of
hands, with effectual prayer for the illumination of God's most holy
Spirit, to confirm and perfect that which the grace of the same Spirit
hath already begun in baptism.
" The benefits of this confirmation are divers ; whereof the first is.
That men expecting examination and trial from their spiritual
fathers, they might more willingly acquaint and carefully season
themselves with the grounds of Christian religion, before malice and
corrupt examples depraved their minds, &c.
" Secondly, It serves, that when they come to years of discretion,
they should publicly make confession of that faith themselves, which
others had promised for them in baptism, to the discharge of their
sureties, and the good example of others.
" Thirdly, That by such confession they might make profession of
difl^'erence from all Jews, Turks, and infidels out of the church ; he-
retics, schismatics, and profane persons in the church.
" Fourthly, That then especially when they first come to the use of
» 111 tbe chapel at Whitehall.
[" The auncient ecclesiastical prac-
tice of confirmation, confirmed by ar-
guments drawn from Scripture, reason,
councils, fathers, and later writers.
Written upon occasion of the confir-
mation of the Pi-ince his Iliglinesse,
performed on INIonday in Easter weeke,
by George Hakewill, Doctor of Divini-
tie, bis Higbnosse Chaplaino in ordi-
narie." 4to. Lond. 1613.]
<■ [Rather Luther : " Satis est pro
ritu quodam ecclesiastico seu ceremo-
nia sacramentali confirmationem ha-
bere:"— De Captiv. Babylon, cap. de
Confirm, tom.ii. fol. 81 b.j
Cap. I. fp. I.]
APPENDIX.
reason, beginning to fall into sundry kinds of sin, and being least
able to resist for want of experience, by imposition of hands and
prayer they might receive strength and defence against the tempta-
tions of the world, the flesh, and the devil.
" Fifthly, That the prelates and chief guides of God's family, to
whom the cure of their souls belongeth, finding upon examination
some part of their own heavy burden discharged, might from thence
reap comfort in beholding those fair foundations already laid, and
glorify God, whose praise they found in the mouths of infants.
" This kind of confirmation (were there no authority to countenance
it) is in my judgment so useful in the church of God, that upon
good reason it might be entertained among Christians. But for
further confirmation of it, we are compassed with a cloud of wit-
nesses, and that so plentifully out of all antiquity, as it may seem a
kind of ambition or lost labour to quote their names. "Wherefore I
will only allege the soundest of those, who since the reformation of
religion, and clearer light of the gospel, in their several writings
have approved and highly commended this ancient custom." And
bringing in Bucer^, Melancthon^, Zuinglius^, Chemnitius'', and
others to speak to this truth, he cites Mr. Calvin' among the rest in
these words : — " John Calvin, in his fourth book of Institutions, in
the upshot of the chapter of Confirmation, not only commendeth the
ancient use of it, but the abuse being removed heartily wisheth it
restored. And because his authority is (not without desert) of great
weight, 1 will set down his words as I find them.
" ' Would to God,' saith he, ' we retained that custom which I
have already declared to have been in use among the ancients before
that abortive vizard of a sacrament was put upon it.' And a little
after : — 'If this part of discipline were nowadays in force, the
slackness of many parents would be much quickened, who pass over
the institution (or instruction) of their children, as a business no-
thing pertaining to them, which then without some public disgrace
they could not omit : besides, there would be less ignorance, and
more concord in articles of faith among Christian people ; neither
would they so easily be carried away with new and strange
opinions.' "
Thus far Dr. Hackwell, who might have added the words of the
great Erasmus, who is as sound in this point as any of those whose
• [Luther, vid. not. c. supra.] fol. 317 b.]
' [Confess. Eccles. Saxon, cap. de 1» [ De Concil. Trident, lib. ii. p.
f Confirm, torn. i. fol. 129 b.] ^SQ.]
1 [De vera Relig. de Saoram. torn, ii. ' Cap. 19. parag. 13. fp. 39(.]
62
APPENDIX.
testimonies he hath alleged ; and was the first, I think, in these
later ages that earnestly recommended and pressed such a confirma-
tion of the baptismal vow as the Church of England uses. His
words are these, in his larger Preface to his Annotations on the New
Testament J :
" The reason we have such multitudes of Christians so rude that
they understand not much more of Christian wisdom than they who
are perfect strangers to the Christian profession, is to be imputed, I
think, in great part to the priests. But I see a way, I iraaginCj
whereby we may have people less unfit to read the holy books ;
which is, if there be a summary of faith and Christian doctrine
every year propounded to Christian people, with a perspicuous bre-
vity and a learned simplicity. And lest any thing should be cor-
rupted by the fault of the preacher, I would have a book made by
learned and upright men, which should be recited to the multitude
by the mouth of the priest. And I desire it may not be drawn out
of human puddles, but out of the gospel foimtain, and apostolical
epistles, and the Creed. Which, whether it be the apostles' or no,
1 know not, but certain it is, it carries in it the apostoUcal majesty
and purity. This, I conceive, may be done not unseasonably in the
Easter holv-days. Which will be far better than by silly and sometimes
obscene jests to excite the poor people to laughter ; which custom
I cannot tell what fiend brought into the church. For though the
people are to be kept in obedience by some pleasure, and sometime
to be excited to it ; yet by such ludicrous ways to provoke laughter,
is fit for buffoons, not for divines.
" And this, moreover, seems to me of no small force to so good
an end, if children that are baptized, when they are grown up to
ripeness, be commanded to be present at such sermons, in which
they may hear plainly and clearly declared what their baptismal
profession contains in it : and if, after this, they be diligently ex-
amined by some good men, whether they sufficiently understand
and remember those things which the priest taught them. If they
do, let them be asked then whether they approve of that and ratify
it, which their godfathers and godmothers professed in their name
when they were baptized. If they answer that they do ratify it,
then let that profession be pubhcly renewed in the sight of their
equals all gathered together, with such grave, apt, chaste, serious
and magnificent ceremonies as become that profession than which
none can be more holy. For what are human professions but cer-
tain images of this most holy profession ; that is, a calling back of
j [Pio lectori, &c — 0pp. tom.vii. init.]
APPENDIX.
63
Christianity, too much sunk into the world ? Now the monks know
how to commend their profession to the people with such counter-
feit ceremonies, and act their part so notably, that tears sometimes
burst out of the spectators' eyes. How much more becoming is it
to do that in this far most religious profession, wherein we give up
our names not to men, but unto Christ, and swear not to the rule of
Francis, or Ben net, but to the rule of the gospel ?
" By this means youth may come to understand what service they
owe to their Lord, and what endeavours they should use to attain
true piety ; and the elder people also will be put in mind how many
ways they have erred and gone astray from their vows. You shall
see now comedies acted in some churches (which I shall not med-
dle withal) of the resurrection of Christ, of his ascension to heaven,
and of his sending the Holy Ghost. But how magnificent would
this spectacle be, to hear the voice of so many youths dedicating
themselves to Jesus Christ, and of so many striplings taking their
oath of fidelity to him, renouncing the world which all lies in
wickedness, adjuring and hissing at the devil, with all his pomps,
pleasures and works ? To see new Christians carrying their gene-
ral's mark in their forehead ? To see a flock of candidates coming
from the sacred laver ? To hear the voice of the rest of the multi-
tude applauding and wishing well to these young soldiers of Christ ?
"These things I would have so to be done publicly, that there
should be never the less care used from their very cradles to instil
into them both privately and publicly the doctrine of Christ as much
as is possible. And they will be of the greater authority if these
things be done by the bishops themselves, and not by parish priests
or hired suffragans. And were they done as they ought, I am very
much deceived if we should not have Christians something more
sincere than now we have.
" But there are two scruples here arise. One is, that this seems
to be a repeating baptism, which is not lawful. The other is, that
there may be danger lest some, hearing the profession they are to
make, should not approve what was done in their names by their
godfathers and godmothers. The first of which is easily discussed,
if these things be so managed that they be nothing else but an in-
stauration or representation of their former baptism : which is done
every day when we are sprinkled with holy water at our entering
into the church. The other hath more difficulty in it : but all things
are to be attempted lest any one should start back from the first
faith. Which if it cannot be obtained, perhaps it is best not to
compel him, but to leave him to himself till he repent : and not to
64
APPENDIX.
inflict ou him any other punishment in the mean time, but to deny
him the benefit of the holy communion and other sacraments of the
church ; but let him neither be excluded from prayer nor from
sermon.
"And I would have little books carried about of the Christian re-
ligion, in which that pure Jesus should be lively described, and as it
were painted before their eyes : not clouded with Jewish ceremonies,
or with the devices and decrees of men : finally, not sour and harsh,
but just as he is, friendly, sweet, and amiable. They that are in-
structed in such rudiments will not be altogether unprepared for the
reading of the Holy Bible."
MENSA MYSTICA:
A DISCOURSE
CONCEKNING THE
SACRAMENT OF THE LORD'S SUPPER.
IN WHICH
THE ENDS OF ITS INSTITUTION ARE SO MANIFESTED;
OUR ADDRESSES TO IT SO DIRECTED;
OUR BEHAVIOUR THERE, AND AFTERWARD, SO COMPOSED;
THAT WE MAY NOT LOSE
THE BENEFITS WHICH ARE TO BE RECEIVED BY IT,
I Cor. vi. 24. — Do this in remembrance of me.
PATRICK; VOL. I. P
TO THE HONOURABLE
SIR WALTER ST. JOHN, BARONET,
AND THE
LADY ST. JOHN, HIS WIFE.
THESE Meditations being conceived and born in your house, I
take it to be a piece of justice that they should lay themselves at
your feet, and come abroad into the world under your name. (And
long before this had they come to tender their service to you, had
the press been favourable to them, and not let them stick longer
there than they did in my mind, before they could be brought forth
into the world.) Love hath as great a power to make servants as
any thing else, and no bondman is faster chained than he that is
tied by the bands of his own affection. A captive of that quality I
must needs profess myself, having such a feeling of the obligations
you have laid upon me, that I am not free to love you, or not to
love you ; but am held under such a sweet tyranny that I cannot so
much as desire to recover my former liberty. These thoughts,
therefore, being the births of one so bound to serve you both by
your favours and his own affections, according to the law of the
Hebrews' you may challenge a right in them, seeing I am yours as
much as my own. I know that I am writing to you, and not
of you ; and that you do not expect my commendation, but my
counsel, for if you did, you would not deserve commendation.
There is so much flattery many times in these addresses, that men
will not believe us when we say true, and so we displease while we
study to please. The world likewise is so envious, that they never
think more of our faults than when we are praised. But yet to tell
you of your kindness to me, though you do not expect it, methinks
I might be allowed, were it not that then I should commend myself
for a grateful person after I have declined to commend you. But
seeing that is no such great virtue that a man should be tempted to
be proud of it. I shall say thus much ; that of all the causes that are
usually assigned of these Dedications, I can find the impulse of none
' Ex. xxi. 2.
F %
(•8
THE EPISTLE
so strong as that of love and gratitude. Which l)ids me bind my
executors by these presents (if these papers can live longer than I),
to acknowledge your love, and ever be mindful of it to you and
yours. And although I may justly suspect that they have not
strength enough to live to any great age, yet if they can increase
your piety but in the least degree, that is a thing that never dies,
and will be an immortal witness of my endeavours to serve you.
To the study of that it is that I do most affectionately exhort you.
Do well, and you shall hear well', though mine and all other pens lie
asleep. Piety is the truest and most ancient nobilityJ, as wickedness
is the greatest and basest degeneracy. There is no such way to
exalt your family as to make a strict alliance with God, and to draw
him into your kindred. Nothing can so enrich your blood, as to
contract an affinity with the blood of Jesus. But if earthly honour
be of any value (as it may conduce to the better serving of God)
you have the favour granted unto you to be noble both in your
soul and body, to be allied both to the blood of God and of great
men. The saint in your name may put you in mind to be saints in
■\ ourselves. The two mullets or stars in your coat of arms'' bids you
shine like two lights in the world. The occasion of your bearing
them (which, if I mistake not, was because your progenitors warred
in the Holy Land) may put you in remembrance to strive and fight
to be made free of the heavenly Jerusalem, that city of God that is
above. As these stars were borne in their ensigns in that expedition
in opposition to the Turkish crescent, so let them put you in mind
to keep the world still under your feet, and to scorn these mutable
and moon-like things as much as you do Mahomet and the Turk.
There is a spring in that country where your name first took root
in British soil', which is very low and empty of water when the
sea flows and swells the neighbouring river Ogmar, and again
ascends and fills itself when the sea retires out of the Channel. It
will be a most lovely sight both to God and man to see you humble
' [XlflptM) KoXioS TTOIUV, Kai o'i'tO! KOp-
n<iari rh Ka\u>s aKovnv, — Epict. apud
Stob. Floril. tit. i. 52.]
) [The author had probably in mind
the well-known saying of Juvenal,
Nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus,
Sat. viii. 20.]
^ [The anus of the St. John family,
represented by the Viscounts Boling-
broke, are Arg. on a chief, gu., two
mullets, or. A mullet in heraldry, it
may be remarked, is a star pierced, in
French molelle, mediseval Latin moleta,
' a spur-rowel,' from the Latin root
molere, ' to grind,' ' sharpen,' &c.]
' See Camden in Glamorganshire ; —
jS'ympha fluit propius : fons refluit; ilia
recedit;
Iste redit. Sic livor incst et pugna
perennis.
[From lines on Sandford's well, by
' the learned J. Starling,' Camden,
Britannia, &c. by Gougli, vol. ii. p.
494-]
DEDICATORY
69
and lowly in the highest tides of a swelling fortune ; and if your
fulness should abate and draw back into the ocean from whence it
came, to behold the elevation of your spirit and the greatness of your
mind rising above all the reach of these worldly changes. Then
would you most truly imitate those stars in your escutcheon, which
are not seen in the day, and shine most brightly in the night.
But your name bids you above all things to be full of love both
to each other and towards all men. For beside that John in the
Hebrew language carries in its signification ' graciousness and kind-
ness ™ ;' the beloved disciple was the first of your name. Degenerate
not, I beseech you, from so worthy a precedent, but embrace with
as dear an afl^ection as two St. Johns would have done each other.
That great saint had this always in his mouth, Little children , love one
another ; the same have you always in your heart, seeing you are not
only Christians, but of the same family and of the same name which
carries a remembrance of that divine person. The Athenians pro-
mised themselves nothing but triumphs in the Sicilian war, because
their general Nicias derived his name from 'victory",' which in the
opinion of men had a good presage in it. And some of the ancient
philosophers" did seriously dispute whether there was not some se-
cret fate or providence in it, that men should have names given
them that did so exactly agree with their after good or bad fortune.
I hope you will not think me impertinent therefore, that I have
urged you so much with your name, and that you will not let it be
given you for nothing. And though that Nicias by his great over-
throw did disappoint the hopes which his fellow citizens conceived
from his name, yet you will have a care that you deceive not the
expectation both of God and man from you, which is grounded upon
a better foundation. I verily believe that you will endeavour to be
cfjepdivvfioi (as the Greeks call themP), 'persons of your own name.'
And as the apostle prays for his Thessalonians, i Thess. iii. 12, 13,
you will increase and abound in love one toward another, and towards
all men, to the end that you may establish your hearts unblumeable in
holiness be/ore God, even our Father, at the coming of the Lord Jesus
Christ with all his saints. Let me speak to you and all others once
more in the words of another apostle 'i : Finally, be ye all of one mind,
[;;nin' 'whom Jehovah gave,' o Plato in Cratylo.
Jehohanan, Johanan, of frequent oc- P 'O ElpTiva7os (pfpui/v/xis tis &y rt)
currence in the Old Testament. Hence irpo<Tr)7opi'a. — Euscb. [II. E. v. 24. p.
the Greek forms 'Iwa^/i/oj and 'lajoi/vrjj.] ^49-] Severus imperator gravis, et
° [Th Sai,u6viov auT(f 8i' ihai^uav vir norainis sui dicitur. — Lamprid. [in
iiraivvfitf y&eadai toC fj.(yl(Trov Kal Severo, cap. 1 2. inter Hist. August.
koAXiVtoo tuv ayaOtiiv S45aiK(. — Plut. Script. 518.]
in Nicia, cap. 10.] 4 i Pet. iii. 8.
70
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
having compassion one of another; love as brethren, be pitiful, be
courteous. But what need I insist so long on this, who find you so
full of love towards me } It is a delightful subject, and therefore you
will pardon my vehemence in it. But though it be delightful, yet I
will refrain myself from enumerating my particular obligations, be-
cause I know, sir, that you do not do your kindnesses that they
should be talked of. And for you, madam, who carry kindness in
both your names'", I know also that you love to be concealed, and
that your love should have none to speak of it but itself ; and there-
fore I shall forbear to say how much (at least to me) you answer
the double remembrance you have in them. It will be more accept-
able, I know, to you both, if I turn this address to you into a prayer
to God, that he would do all this and much more for you. And to
that God of peace from whom all good comes, I humbly bow my
knees, that he would make you perfect in every good work to do his
will, working in you that which is well-pleasing in his sight, through
Jesus Christ; to whom be glory for ever and ever^. The more parti-
cular petitions that concern you I shall put up alone, and ever remain,
what I am much engaged to be.
Your aflfectionate
Friend and servant,
S. PATRICK.
From y.our house at Battersea,
Jan. 27, i6|f.
' [Lady St. John's Christian name
■was Johanna. She was the eldest
daughter of sir OUver St. John, the
distinguished lawyer under the Com-
monwealth, who was appointed Lord
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas,
1648, ambassador to Holland, 1651,
and died 1673. — Burke's and Collins'
Peerages, &c. Lord Campbell's Lives
of Lord Chief Justices, vol. i. p. 47 7.]
s Heb. xiii. ii.
THE
INTEODUCTION.
Shewing, i. That God manifests himself to our sense. 2. That bread and
wine are fit things for the representing our Lord to us. 3. The first
reason of the celebration of this supper, and the fittest time for us to do
this that Christ commands us. 4. Which is but a reiteration of what is
done in baptism. 5. As may be seen by what I have briefly writ on that
subject. 6. And if we will extend this thing further, we may lose all.
The papists in danger of this, who speak not the language of the ancient
church. 7. The design of this present discoiirse. 8. The alleging of
some heathen customs and principles need be no oflTence to any, but
may be an help if they please.
I. GOD, who is simple and removed far from all sense,
considering the weakness of man's soul, and how unable he is
to conceive of things spiritual purely and nakedly in them-
selves ; and yet having a mind to be better known unto us, and
to make himself more manifest than ever, was pleased in his in-
finite goodness to dwell in flesh, and appear here in the person
of his Son, who was made like to man, to shew what God is in
our nature. This Son of his, being to die and part with his
life for great ends and purposes, which he would not have us
to forget, was pleased to take the same course to convey to our
minds spiritual notions by outward and sensible signs, and to
impress on our hearts what he hath done and suffered, by a vi-
sible representation of it in bodily things, and not only by a
plain description of it in the gospel. He knew very well that a
picture and image of a thing doth more aff"ect us than an his-
torical narration ; and that the more lively and express that
image is, the more lively motions it makes within us. A dead
corpse is but the shadow of a man, and yet we find that our
souls are more assaulted and all our passions stirred by the
sight of the face of a dead friend, than by all the reports that
are brought us of his death. And long after his corpse is
mouldered in the grave, if we see a child of his that hath his
72
The Introduction.
exact features, manners, and carriage, it renews a fresh remem-
brance in us of that person, and stirs up the images that are in
our mind more powerfully than we can do ourselves by re-
flections upon them.
But though God was willing to teach us by outward and
sensible representations, yet he thought it both unsafe, and
likewise unfit, and no ways conducing to the spiritual ends he
intended in the sacrament of Christ's body and blood, that we
should have a picture of Christ or an image of him set before
our eyes. There is too much of sense in the tragical and
theatrical representations which are made by some papists
of Christ's sufferings. The outward actions are in danger
not only to take place of all spiritual affections, but quite to
thrust them out. The eye and the ear are so fully possessed,
that their objects work by their own natural strength, and not
by the soul's considering and meditating powers. Our Saviour,
therefore, that he might both help the soul, and leave it some-
thing to do in making of its own thoughts, and forming its own
apprehensions and resentments, hath given us only bread and
wine as remembrances of him : in which we see so much as to
awaken our souls, but not so much as to keep them awake
without themselves. They show Christ to our senses, but more
to our minds ; that so both may be employed, but the mind
may do most by the help of the senses.
II. And indeed these are very fit things (upon other reasons)
to serve our Saviour's design, because
1 . First of all, they are similar bodies, and not consisting of
heterogeneous parts, i. e. their parts are not of different kinds,
as the parts of our flesh are. The flesh of a man is composed
of veins, and arteries, and nerves, and blood, and muscles, and
divers skins ; but every part of bread and wine is Uke the
other, and hath nothing in it different from its neighbour.
Every piece of the one, and every drop of the other, doth as
much represent what is intended, as any other part doth ; and
all the parts together make one body of the very same sort.
2. And yet, secondly, the parts of these bodies are easily se-
parated one from another, which makes them more fit to be
communicated and divided among a great many, who all not-
withstanding do receive (as it were) the very same thing.
3. And thirdly, they are constantly used at all feasts and
The Introduction.
73
never omitted, whereas other things have their seasons and
cannot do continual service at our tables.
4. To which you may add, fourthly, that they were brought
by Melchizedec unto Abraham, as a part perhaps of the bless-
ing of that high priest, and as a signification of that sacrament
which God would have Abraham's seed to feed upon, when the
true high priest after that great man's order should come.
5. And fifthly, it is not to be forgotten that they do best an-
swer to some things whereunto Chi'ist is compared in the holy
scriptures. For he is called the vine, and every branch that is
in him must bring forth fruit^, as he doth, which may hereby
be represented. And he is called the bread of life which came
doivn from heaven^ as the manna in the wilderness, who is to
support our souls as the stalf of bread doth our bodies.
6. Sixthly, but it is most to be remarked, that these were
part of the Passover supper, when Chi'ist (as St. Cyril of
Alexandria^ speaks) was typically eaten in Egypt. For, first,
it is acknowledged by all that the bread was blessed and the
cup also, and so went round to all the guests ; and the forms of
benediction are still extant in some of the Hebrew authors.
And secondly, the whole feast after the Passover night was
called the feast of unleavened bread. And thirdly, it is the
opinion, I observe, of some^, that our Saviour at the time of
instituting this sacrament did eat only the bread and the bitter
herbs, but not the Lamb of the Passover. For it is not said in
the Evangelists that his chsciples killed the Passover for lum,
but only that they made ready the Passover, which might be
nothing else but that bread of affliction, and the herbs which
were attended with the cup of kindness that used to pass
among them. For our Saviour died at the time the Passover
lamb was offered, being indeed the Lamb of God himself. And
therefore St. John saith that the supper was before the feast of
the Passover^ ; and he calls it eating of the Passover, be-
cause this was a great part of it, a principal portion of this
feast. And this part was all that they could partake of, who
at any time could not come to Jerusalem, where only the lamb
a John XV. I, 2. part. 2. p. 375 A.]
b lb. vi. 35, 41, 8. 51, 8. d Grot, [in Matt. xxvi. 18. 0pp.
'O TVTTLKSyS ^pU)df'lS fV AlyVTTTW. tOVCI . U. p. 246.]
[ Horn, in Myst. Coen. torn. v. e John xiii. i.
74
The Introduction.
was to be eaten, being first offered at the temple. But sup-
posing this to be doubtful, yet there is no question but that
this lamb was a ij^e of Christ, and that bread and wine
was a part of the supper. And upon search I believe we shall
find that the lamb of the Passover was the only sacrifice which
the people did wholly eat (its blood being poured out at the
altar) and it doth the better set forth Christ who gives himself
wholly to us. To which, fourthly, may be added, that as the
paschal lamb did represent him, so the manner of its killing
was very conformable to Christ's death upon the cross, which
may make it more reasonable to borrow from the supper re-
semblances of him. For they hung the lamb upon nails (much
what as butchers now do a sheep which they have killed), and
then flayed off its skin that it might be dressed. While it hung
in this posture it was just like the situation of Christ's body
upon the cross (as Buxtorf hath observed out of the Talmud),
whose hands were so spread and legs so stretched out as the
lamb was. Fifthly, unto which I may add, that the law of
Moses was not to be wholly destroyed, but to be changed and
altered by Christ. So the apostle teacheth us to speak in
Heb. vii. 12. And the malice of St. Stephen's accusers could
prompt them to say no worse of him, than that he preached
Jesus should change the customs which Moses delivered^.
Circumcision is commanded under the title of an everlastino-
covenant, and it is not so much abolished as improved into a
better sacrament and seal of greater blessings to mankind.
The sabbath day likewise was to be a commemoration of God's
rest from all his works on the seventh day, and of his dehver-
ance of them out of Egypt ; and it is not cancelled, but changed
into another day, which contains the former and something
else, even a remembrance of the resurrection of our Lord from
the dead, that he might enter into his rest. So we may con-
ceive that this great feast of the Passover was not quite done
away, but gave place to a better feast, which is in memory of a
greater deliverance than that from the thraldom of Egypt and
the iron furnace. In this the Jewish Christians might still
commemorate their ancient mercies as well as if they had eaten
the flesh of their lamb. Yea, because there was in it such a
clear representation of Christ's sufferings (especially in its first
f Acts vi. 14.
The Introduction.
75
institution, when the blood was sprinkled on the door-posts),
part of it was thought fit still to remain, viz. the bread and
wine, which they used to eat and drink in memory of that
mercy with solemn forms of thanksgiving unto God. And
lastly, the bread and wine was more fit than the flesh to be re-
tained, because now that Christ is come all sacrifices are to
cease, and no more blood is to be shed for sin. This, I say,
may be a good reason why bread and wine only are used, be-
cause they are unbloody things ; and after the killing of the
Lamb of God, there is to be no more life offered for our
offences.
II. This feast our Saviour did first of all celebrate with
his twelve disciples. And it was but fit that he should do so,
that he might the better answer to the type in Exod xxix,
where we read that Aaron the high-priest with his sons was to
eat the breast and shoulder of the ram of consecration, where-
by he was sanctified to ofiiciate in the priesthood. Even so our
Lord, being to be offered up in sacrifice, and thereby to be
consecrated an high-priest, did institute this supper, that toge-
ther with his disciples he might (as much as is possible) feast
with them upon that sacrifice. And seeing our Saviour's sacri-
fice answered both to the paschal lamb and the propitiatory sa-
crifice on the day of expiation, it will be no wonder if it were
so complete as to have reference to this also.
The time when it was first instituted was in the night when
he was betrayed (for at the even they celebrated the Passover) ;
which makes some (I suppose) to keep the memory of Christ's
death in the close of the day. But if they think that they
must exactly follow that precedent, they should do it after
supper. And I rather think that the manner of receiving
about noon is most agreeable to the true pattern. For we do
not remember the supper of the Lord, but his sacrifice on the
cross. And therefore as the Jews feasted at even because they
came out of Egypt at that time, so should we feast about noon
because our Lord's death began between nine and twelve, and
ended about three of the clock, as you will clearly see by com-
paring the relation of St. Mark and St. John together. It is
said that it was about the sixth hours, when Christ was con-
demned to be crucified. But St. Mark speaks of his sentence
and of the execution of it as things done before the sixth hour,
s John xix. 14.
76
The Introduction.
and saitli that just when the sixth hour ivas come, then dark-
ness spread over all the land till the ninth honr^^. They do
very well agree if we do but understand thus much, that the
day being divided into four equal parts, consisting of three
hours apiece, every part had the name of that liour when it
did begin, and so the sixth hour was from twelve to three, and
then began the ninth hour. Now St. John doth not say that
it was the sixth hour when Pilate gave him up to be crucified,
but that it was about the sixth hour, i. e. it was between nine
a clock (which was their third hour) and twelve, but nearer to
twelve than to nine ; or it drew near to noon, yet not so near
but that we must allow time for the leading him away to the
cross, for the hanging him thereupon, and the rest. Insomuch
that St. ^lark saith expressly that it was but the third hour^,
i. e. nine of the clock, when those things were done. Both of
them say true, if we do but conceive that it was between nine
and twelve, i. e. about half an hour after ten, when our Lord
was hanged on the cross. All the time between nine and
twelve being called (as I said) the third hour. St. Mark
saith that that was the time ; but it drawing toward twelve,
St. John saith it was about the sixth hour. And ivlien the
sixth hour was fully come, i. e. when it was just twelve
a clock and the sun was in its meridian, then (saith St. Mark)
Avas it eclipsed, and the darkness continued till three, which
was the time of the olfering of the evening sacrifice, and just
then our Lord expired and gave up the ghost. From whence
we may clearly gather, that our Saviour was in the very midst
of liis sufferings a little after twelve. Which renders it unrea-
sonable metliinks to innovate and forsake the common form by
receiving towards night, seeing our Saviour was in the middle
and bitterness of his passion about noon (which is the common
time of our communions), and his passion was quite finished a
good while before that time, wherein some do celebrate it.
But I do not intend that this discourse should beget any
quarrels, and therefore I forbear the prosecution of any such
observations, which you must not expect to meet withal in
these papers : the first design of which is to shew you for what
end our blessed Lord did appoint this sacrament.
IV. And here I might be tempted to make use of that
method which I observed in a little discoru'se concerning bap-
^ Mark xv. 33. > lb. 25.
The Introduction.
77
tism ; for that whicli is done here is but a further confirmation
of what was then agreed on between God and us. As our
knowledge and obedience increases, so doth hkewise the favour
of God and liis testimonies of that favoiu* : and the more liis
mercies are assured unto us, the more are we engaged and
confirmed in our resohition of persisting in obedience. So that
it is but one and the same thing that is thus frequently ratified,
first in baptism, and afterward in confirmation, and lastly in
the sacrament of the Lord's supper. For tiiere in the most
solemn manner that can be devised we profess ourselves fede-
rates of God, and he again owns us for his friends, and treats
us kindly by entertaining us at his own table. And this is no
strange matter, that one thing should be so often repeated ;
for at the beginning of friendship between God and Abraham,
he only made him a promise, that he would make him a great
nation, and bless him, and all those that blessed him, and
that all families of the earth should be blessed in himi. But
in process of time, when love was increased between them, this
promise became a covenant, when he and his received the
token of circumcision, as you may read, Gen. xvii. 2, 4, 5, Itvill
make my covenant betiveen me and thee, and ivill iniiltiply
thee exceedingly, &c. But when he had walked longer with
God (as he there bids him, v. i), and had perfected his obc-
tUence by offering up his son, his only son Isaac, then God
confirmed the covenant by an oath, and sware by himself that
he would do what he had promised and scaled, as you may sec
Gen. xxii. 16 — 18, By myself have I sworn, that in blessing I
tvill bless thee, &c. This may be conceived as a good repre-
sentation of God's deahng with us now. At our first entrance
into his family he gives us many promises which depend upon
conditions ; and afterwards he renews tlie covenant with us, and
doth further .ascertain us of his favour, yet on terms of perse-
verance ; and at last he swears unalterably, when wc have
given proof of our obedience to him, that he will not take away
his mercies nor his lovino;-kindness from us. And it is ob-
servable, that in every one of these God returned soinothiiig to
Abraham for what he gave to God. When he loft his own
country he promised him tlie laud of Canaan; when he was
j Gen. xii. 1, 2, 3.
78
The Introduction.
circumcised he promised to bless his seed, yea, he promised to
liim the Messiah ; and when he offered Isaac, God again as-
sured by oath that his own Son should be really offered, as
Isaac was designed to be, for a blessing to all the earth. Even
so in like manner doth God confer new graces and blessings
on us when we are baptized, and when we confirm our vows,
and when we partake of the supper of the Lord ; so that it is
not in vain to reiterate our acts of sm'render unto God. And
thus it is among ourselves, when children are contracted in
theii' yoimger years and made sure to each other, they con-
summate the marriage by their own consent when they are of
age with festival joys. And many of these married persons
likewise renew the nuptial ceremony every year, and observe
the day that they entered into such holy bonds with more
than ordinary cheer. "\\Tiereby they strengthen their faith
unto each other by an open profession of it in the sight of
then- friends, and they tie then* hearts faster unto each other
by a remembrance of their promises, and they become more
passionate lovers by these new expressions of kindness. Thus
do we at tliis sacrament but tie the old bond with a faster
knot, and press harder upon the former seal to make a deeper
mark and a fairer image of God in our hearts ; we do but
renew our covenant which we have already made, swear most
solemnly by taking it upon the sacrament (as we say) that we
will be the servants of the Lord Jesus. And it is very easy to
lead you through all the parts of the former method, shewing
you both how on our part and God's it doth confirm a cove-
nant between us.
V. And perhaps it will not be unprofitable to give some
brief touches upon those tilings which you can, without trouble,
enlarge in your own thoughts. Wliich is one reason why I
shall spare myself any long pains about them, and hold another
course in this following treatise.
For our part, we do here profess om'selves of the rehgion
that Christ hath instituted and taught us, as you will see more
largely in the ensuing book. We do at once, in this feast, both
show our gladness and assure him of om' affections.
Sin is here represented so unto us, that it cannot but make
our wounds bleed afresh. The remembrance of Christ's death
doth pierce om' hearts again with godly sorrow, and revives
The Introduction.
79
the smart and pain which the sense of sin hath created in our
souls.
Faith likewise here is as greedy of its food as an hungry
mouth is of its meat. And obedience is hereby confirmed, be-
cause we receive lively nourishment into our souls, which will
make us strong to execute the will of our Lord. Our suffering
also with Christ we profess more lively than by water, even
by blood itself. When our Saviour saith in the sixth of St. John
that we must eat of his flesh, he means, we must believe on
him, and digest his doctrine ; but seeing the word flesh in
Scripture-phrase signifies very frequently weakness and mean-
ness, he intends that we must i-eceive him so as to partake
with him in his poor, low, and suffering condition. And this
we do most notably protest that we will, when we receive the
signs of his broken body. For the bread broken doth not only
argue it to be fit for food, but that first we must be slain and
mortified, and likewise receive such strength, that if he call us
unto death we must undergo it. We own hereby the covenant
of sufferings, and feed upon a dead Saviour. Which makes
Theophylact'' give this as a reason why Christ gave thanks
when he brake the bread, Xva Ka\ rnjcels ovra Sex^^M^^*^ e^X""
pt'oTws TO ixaprvpiov, ' that so we might receive martyrdom
thankfully.' It is a feast which we partake of, and yet signi-
fies sufferings. But let it not seem strange, for we must count
it all joy when we fall into divers temptations^.
Neither doth it less signify and seal on God's part, being a
manifest token of his great and inexpressible love, in giving of
his own Son to death, even to the cursed death of the cross, for
us. Here he takes us not only under his wings (as I said he
doth in baptism), but he takes us into his arms. He takes us
to himself, and he gives himself wholly unto us.
And then for remission of sins, it is manifest to be the pur-
chase of his blood, and so must needs further here be assured
to all good souls. And it is the very thing that is expressed
in the institution of this sacrament : This is my blood of the
New Testament that is shed for many, for the remission of
sins
And there are not so many spirits contained in the wine as
^ [In Matt. xxvi. torn, i. p, 146 E.] ' [James i, 2,] "i [Matt. xxvi. 28.]
80
The Introduction.
there are lively influences of God's good Spirit hereby con-
veyed to pious hearts. We have assurance likeveise given by
these things, that he will not take his Holy Spirit from us,
but that he will let it always difl'use itself through all our
powers.
And as for the Resurrection from the dead, we being made,
as it were, of his flesh and of his bone, and incorporated into
him, he can lose none of his members ; but all that eat of his
flesh and drink of his blood as they ought shall be raised
again at the last day. We eat of the tree of hfe, which will
make us live for ever ; and we receive (p&piiaKov adavaa-Las,
avTihoTov Tov a-noOaveiv, as Ignatius speaks'^, ' an antidote
against death, a medicine to preserve us from corruption.'
This the ancient Christians thought to be so fully assured to
us in the Eucharist, that this is one of the arguments whereby
Irenaeus confutes the Valentinians, who denied the rising
again of the body after it is dead. " How can that flesh be
corrupted, and not live again, which is nourished by the body
and blood of the Lord ? Either let them change their mind,
or else abstain from this off'ering. For as the bread which is
of the earth, receiving' the invocation of God, is no longer
common bread, but the Eucharist, consisting of something
earthly and something heavenly : even so our bodies, receiv-
ing ' this Eucharist, are not now corruptible, but have the hopes
of a resurrection." Thus he"", who hath more to the same pur-
pose in another book".
Herein likewise God gives us a foretaste of heaven and the
joys to come, as will be made more manifest in the following
Discourse. And thus far we may grant the bread and wine of
Melchizcdec to have been sacramental, that they were given
to Abraham as earnests, for to secure him of the land flowing
with milk and honey. By this banquet or entertainment which
the royal priest made him, he took 'livery of seisin' (as our
lawyers speak) of the promised land. And in that very place
(it is most likely) where God intended the mother city of the
kingdom should be, was this conveyance made to Abraham's
^ Epist. ad Ephes. [Coteler. Patr. L. iv. adv. Haeres. c. 34. [al.i8.
Apost. torn. ii. p. 16.] p. 251.]
' [' perceiving' in the earlier edi- " L. v. cap. 2. [p. 294.]
tions.]
The Introduction.
81
seed. This bread and wine were most certain evidences that
his posterity should eat of the fruit of that land wherein now
he was a stranger. And just in the same manner doth God
give unto faithful souls this blessed bread and wine as an ante-
past of liis eternal love ; and hereby they begin to taste of the
heavenly feast that they shall celebrate above. They have
herein a right made them unto heaven, and a kind of delivery
of possession which shall shortly be completed by an actual en-
joyment.
VI. They that would have more than such things as these
in tliis sacrament are in danger to have nothing at all, as they
should have. While they think that Christ is received corpo-
rally by them, they may neglect the spiritual eating ; and
while they chew him (as it were) between their teeth, their
souls may feel but little of him. For just as it is with those
that would paint a beautiful person ; wliile they think to
add something of their own to the face, thereby to make him
look better than he is, they spoil the comeliness of the picture,
and miss both of his face and likewise of his true beauty ° : so
it is with the modern church of Rome, which wotdd make reli-
gion seem as fair and beautiful, yea, as gaudy and trim as
their fancies can devise ; but by adding their own inventions
and novel fashions, they quite spoil both true religion and the
beauty of it, which they study to adorn. Whilst they think
to offer a proper sacrifice, they many times ofi"er none at all.
And whilst they think it is a sacrifice both for quick and dead,
they rely so much upon it that it proves to be for neither.
By making it flesh and blood and bones, they make Christ the
food of the foulest and profanest mouths ; and by using a
multitude of ceremonies they are in danger to take the mind
off from all substantial exercises.
The ancients, I am sure, understood not the new language
of the transubstantiation of the bread and wine into the flesh
and blood of Christ. And though they would suborn those
worthies to speak against their mind and conscience on thou*
side, yet we find that they call the bread and wine figures or
sj'mbols of Christ's body and blood. Dionysius the Areopagite
° To nav eiBos rrjs ofiotQicreMi 8ia(j)6fipovcnv' SxTTt ujia rt rov wapaSflyfiO'
ros rffiapTrjKevai, Koi Tov KaWovt. — Eunap. in Vit. Jainljl. [p. l8.]
PATRK'K, VOL. I. G
82
Tlte Introduction.
(or that ancient writer wlio passeth under his name) calls them
most frequently " symbols, images, antitypes, sensible tilings
received instead of things intelUgible p." And Maximus, in his
Scholion'l upon him, interpreting what a symbol is in his lan-
guage, saith it is, kiaO-qrov tl avn vor]Tov ix(TdKaix(iav6yL€Vov,
oXov avTL T^s avXov Koi Oiias rpocfyfis kol eixppoavvris, apros Koi
olvos, i. e. ' A sensible thing which we partake of instead of a
spiritual ;' as for example, ' Bread and wine instead of the im-
material divine nourishment and gladness. And so Macarius
calls it, avTLTVTTOv TTjs aapKOi avTov koX tov aifxaTos^, ' the figure
and representation of his flesh and blood ;' and saith, that ' he
who partakes of the visible bread doth spiritually eat the flesh
of our Lord.' And he that will may repair to Theodoret, who
lived in later times, and he shall tell liim that they are ixva-TiKo.
(Tvn^oka^, ' mystical representations,' and that their nature is
not changed, no more than the flesh of Christ ceases to be
flesh, now that it is in the heavens. And in his Comment upon
I Cor. xi. 26, he saith the apostle uses these words, till he
come, because there will be no need of symbols of his body
when his body itself shall appear*.
The name of antiquity makes a great sound in their mouths,
and therefore let the reader remember that there are many
ancient errors as well as truths. If they have followed the
ancients in their novel doctrines, they are rather the old here-
tics than the fathers of the church. For it hath been well ob-
served by some of our divines, that Marcus, a magician, is
noted by Irenseus" for counterfeiting to consecrate, in an Eu-
charistical manner, cups of water mixed with wine to a strange
purpose. " He extended," saith he, " the words of invocation
to a very great length, and then he made the liquor in the cup
seem of a purple or bloody colour." His followers believed
that the divine grace did drop down some of its own blood
V 2u/i/3oXa, (iKovas, avTiTvira, al-
O'driTa TLva avTi voTjTwv ixtToKafi^a-
i>6fx€va. [Eccles. Hier. cap. 3. p.
284 sqq.]
1 In cap. 3. Eccles. Hierarch.
[yid. ad sensum, p. 307.]
Homil. 27. [cap. 17. apud Gal-
land. Bibl. Patr. tom.vii. p. 108.]
s Dialog. 2. davyX' [torn. iv. p.
126.]
OvK€Ti XP*'" T"'' (rvfifSoXav tov
aw/xaros, avroii (f>aivojj.(vov tov aa-
fioTos. [torn. iii. p. 238.]
" JJoTTjpia o'lvw KfKpapiva npoa-
noiovixevos ev^^apiartiv, k. t. X. —
Vide Irenaeum, ], i. c. 9. [al. 13.
p. 60.]
The Introduction.
83
into the cup at his request. And all that were present were
very greedy to taste of this cup, that the same grace which he
called down might shower itself upon them likewise. I can
little doubt but that this cup, over which he gave thanks, was
a counterfeit of that which the sound Christians drunk of, from
whom these men were apostatized. And that he might gain
greater applause by his followers, he would make them believe
that he was more devout than any, and could give them more
than the Christians pretended to do, even the very blood of
Christ itself, which the Romanists now boast they have, and
therein excel us. But we are content with what holy men then
enjoyed, and let them take heed that they follow not worse
examples. I am sure Theodoret, in his second Dialogue
brings in a wild conceited man, speaking the same things that
they do. The affirmation of that phantastic is tliis, that
" Christ's human nature is swallowed up in the divine." His
argument for it is this : As the elements or symbols, or the
Lord's body and blood, are one thing before the invocation of
the priest, but after invocation are changed and made another ;
so the Loi'd's body, after his ascension, is changed into a divine
substance, though before it was not. Hereupon the father
saith, " You are caught in your own net, for the symbols do
not go out of their proper nature, but remain km Trjs irporepas
ovtrias, in the former substance wherein they were." Let the
reader then judge with whom they speak, and who are the
masters of our language and assertions. And let him take
heed how he leaves our communion, where he hath the holy
bread and the cup both ; whereas they, something like the
Manichees of old, will not let the people drink of the cup.
But let them believe as much as they will, so they will but
quietly suffer us to believe as we see cause. Let them practise
as they please, if it will do them any good ; we doubt not but
we believe and practise enough to the receiving of as great
benefits as they can enjoy. I confess, I cannot be angry with
them for beheving more than I can do ; but I desire they
w^ould not be angry at us (but rather pity us) that we cannot
extend our faith so far. If a man will say that snow is nothing
but frozen milk, which drops from the skies, much good may
^ Cap. 24. [tom.iv. p. 126. ^
Ct 2
84
The Introduction.
it do him with his conceit ; only let him not impose the same
belief on others who intend not to trouble him for his fancy.
And if they will believe that wine is the very blood of Christ,
I desire not that they should suflfer the least harm from tills
opinion ; but let them not damn us because we will not put out
our eyes, and deny our taste, and abandon our reason and the
Holy Scripture to the novel fancies and interpretations that
they obtrude upon us. I know that if a man's soul be not
made of solid reason, but consists of weak and credulous prin-
ciples, they will fearfully astonish it with the dismal names of
heresy, and schism, and such like bugbear words, which every
one applies as he pleases. But considerate souls are grown
wiser than to be affrighted out of their wits by the noise of
words (the great engine of this age), and they know that
damnation doth not depend upon men's mouths, for if it did, I
know not who should go to heaven. We cannot be so bhnd as
not to see that every party arrogates to itself the glorious
names of Christ and the Holy Ghost ; and if we would be led
by sounds, we must believe no body Imows how many Christs.
The names of heretic, schismatic, yea, and of antichrist and
Babylon signify but Httle to us, who hear them every day so
carelessly applied that we are assured men know not what
they say. Neither will we be amazed with sad relations of the
miserable ends of those who have contemned their sacraments,
for we do not allow that any man should irreverently behave
himself towards any of Christ's institutions, though there be
something of man's invention mixed with it. And we can re-
pay their stories of the contempt of this sacrament as among
them administered, with as sad and true relations concerning
those who have despised that which, in scorn and pride, they
are pleased to call Calvin's supper and communion. The me-
morable story which bishop Morton relates 7 may quit scores
with them for all of this kind. There was in St. John's College
in Cambridge (Dr. Whitaker being then master) one Booth, a
bachelor of arts, and an excellent scholar, who, in the time of
his seducement by the papists, had taken the sacramental
y [" Of the institution of the sa- masse." — Book v. chap. 2. § 6. p.
crainent of the blessed bodie and 319. fol. Lond. 1635.]
blood of Christ, by some called the
The Introduction.
85
bread (which he received because he would not be discovered,
but yet reserved without eating of it) and in contempt had
thrown it over a wall. By the remembrance of this sin after-
ward, when his eyes v/ere opened, he was di'iven into so great
remorse and anguish of soul, that not long after he threw him-
self down headlong over the battlements of the chapel, and
within four and twenty hours died, whereof there were many
witnesses. Yea, this right reverend person saitli in another
book that he saw this thing, which now from him I have re-
lated. And it may put some in mind of what befel the Dona-
tists, who, casting of it to dogs, they grew mad, and tare then*
own masters in pieces as unknown persons.
But if they vnW persist to damn all those that are not of
their way, we will say to them as Diogenes did to an heathen-
ish priest that would persuade him to be of his order, that so
he might be happy in the other world : " Wouldst thou have
me beheve that Epaminondas and other brave men were miser-
able, and thou, who art but an ass, and dost notliing worthy,
shall be happy because thou art a priest^?" Is it credible
that they who exercise all piety towards the Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost, and are ready to sacrifice their lives rather than
to consent to the least sin against them, shall be miserable, and
that God will accept men merely for being of their commu-
nion ? We know upon what easy terms men may go to heaven
as they beheve ; and they shall never persuade us that they
whose hearts are full of God, and have his image shining fairly
in their souls, shall be the companions of the devils and ac-
cursed spu'its, when (as they imagine) men of foul lives may
get possession of Paradise and live with saints.
And yet let all Protestants take heed how they do irreve-
rently behave themselves in participation of these holy myste-
ries, lest wc give them occasion to say that we have nothing
but common bread and wine, empty of all sacrament. Let us
as humbly and meekly address ourselves to the table of the
Lord as they can do who believe the very substance of Christ's
body and blood is there. And indeed it is but natural to ap-
proach with a great deal of reverence and devotion, unless we
be of a make different from other men, who use to be affected
2 [Apud Diog. Laert. cap. 39.]
86
Tlie Introduction.
witli everything that doth but relate unto tliat which is dear
unto them. The man in Achilles Tatius^, who found a treasure
in the ground, tov tottov ttiv evpija-em irCurjaev, ^uijiov rjydpev,
&c., ' He did honour to the place where it Avas found ; he built
an altar, he offered sacrifice, he crowned that piece of earth.'
Such a passion of love it was (I believe) that made the ancient
Christians do honour to the very day of our Saviour's suffer-
ings, to use the sign of the ci'oss on which he suffered, to look
towards the place where he was crucified and buried ; and
much more should it make us highly to value the signs of his
body and blood, and in a serious reverent manner receive them
as. the sweetest tokens of his love.
VII. I have said the more of this here because I shall not
fill the ensuing treatise with any disputes : and because I in-
tended it should be a practical discourse, I have waved the
(Controversy concerning the persons who ai'e fit for to receive.
Let it be sufficient here to say with Justin Martyr'', ''Hy ovbevl
aWu> fj.€Ta<T\€ti> €$6v kdTLv, J] T<5 77tcrrevofri a\r]6Tj (tvai ra bebi-
bayixeva vcf)" rjix&v, Kal \ov(Taixev<f to vnep a(f)€(T€Oi>s ajuapnwi; Koi
els avayivvqaiv Xovrpbv, koi ovto)s jiiovvTi 6 \pi<nos irape-
6a)(c€, i. e. ' We suffer none to partake of it but him who be-
lieves the things that we teach to be true, and that is washed
in baptism for the remission of sins and regenei'ation, and that
Uves so as Christ hath delivered unto us.' He therefore that
is baptized and instructed in the faith of Christ, and professes
to live accordingly, and doth nothing that is destructive to this
profession, ought not to be rejected from our communion.
But as of the passover, a stranger, or an uncircumcised person,
though an Israelite, might not eat ; so neither may an unbap-
tized person, or one that doth not profess om* religion, partake
of this supper. And as they were to cast out then all unlea-
vened bread, so are we to keep the feast perpetually, and to
purge ourselves of the old leaven, that we may become a new
lump.
And, that we may be well instructed in our duty, I have
shown in the following treatise.
First, what is the end of this holy action ;
Secondly, with what preparations we must approach to the
performance of it ; and.
» Lib. 5. ipoT. [cap. 26.] Apolog. ii. [al. i. § 66. p. 83 A.]
The Introduction.
87
Thirdly, what affections will best become us when we are
performing it.
Fourthly, how we should behave ourselves afterward ; and,
Lastly, what benefits we shall reap thereby.
And, because I know the great quarrels are about the lives
of men (which is the last thing in Justin's words), I have said
something in the end of the discourse which may tend to the
satisfying of us who are those vricked persons that are to be
excluded.
VIII. If in the first part of this treatise I have inter-
spersed a little of the heathen learning, and endeavoured some-
times to illustrate things out of their customs, it need not seem
a wonder to any considering person : and let me make a brief
apology for it, and so put an end to this Preface. I can very
easily demonstrate that no small part of the heathenish mytho-
logy and divinity was fetched from the Hebrew stories and
practices. As the Greek poet^ saith of the Cretians, that
" they were always liars ;" so I may say of the Greeks them-
selvesd, that " they were always thieves." Though they brag-
ged that all learning came from them, yet in truth they were
but hke the crow, as Tatianus^ his expression of them is, ovk
ihCois eTTiKoa-fjLovixivoi TTTepoLs, ' not adorned with their own fea-
thers,' but with those they had stolen from their neighbours.
That worthy author hath well observed (toward the latter
end of his oration against the Greeks') that they drew their
dogmata or assertions (though unskilfully) from the fountain of
holy writings ; and having busy and inquisitive minds, whatso-
ever they found in Moses or other divine philosophers, they
endeavoured irapaxapaTTeiv, ' to set another stamp upon it,'
and make it pass for their own. And this they did for two
reasons, as he saith, — first, that they might seem to others to
have brought forth some new thing that was not known be-
fore ; and, secondly, that what they did not understand of the
truth they might cause by their artifice of words to pass for
fables in the world. And it is very considerable, methinks,
that Marinusg reports of Proclus, though a philosopher of
[Tit. i. 12.] e [Oral, ad Graec. § 26. ad calc.
Vid. Euseb. Prsep. Evang. Justin, p. 265 D.]
lib. X. [pp. 462, 3.] et Clem. Alex. f [§ 40. p. 274 E.]
Strom, lib. i. [cap, 17. p. 369.] e Marinus in vita Procli. [cap.19.]
88
The Introduction.
younger times, how that he observed tlie Roman, the Phry-
gian, and the Egyptian feasts with all new moons, and that
XafjLTTpm Koi UpoTTpeiras, ' ill a most splendid and ceremonious
manner.' And, in brief, he saiths that he kept religiously the
most ftxmous feasts of every nation, after their own manner
and custom ; and composed an liynm, which he sung, contain-
ing the praises of the gods of several nations. For he had this
saying frequently in his mouth, that " a philosopher ought not
to addi"ess his service to the fashion of one city, or some coun-
try's rites, but to be tov oKov Koaixov Upocpavrriv, skilled in the
sacra or holy offices of the whole world." And it is very hkely
that this was the principle of several philosophers before him,
it being a character that Pausanias gives of the Greeks in
general, that they were beivoi ra vnepopia iv OavpLart rtdfo-dai
IxfL^ovL, T] TO. otKeta^i, ' strangely prone to have the things of an-
other country in greater admiration than those of their own.'
Which agrees very well with what the Scripture saith of them,
that the Athenians were always hearing or tellbig some new
thing^, and that even in matters of their religion they were
hei(Tihaiiiove(TTepoL, very apt to reverence every deity that they
heard of. Hence it was that they worshipped the unknown
God, which St. Paul tells them was the ti'ue and hving God
wliicli made all things. This God was worshipped among the
Jews ; and, as NazianzenJ saith, that when they speak of the
Elysian fields, they were kv (pavraa-La tov kuO' fip.as irapabelaov,
' in a conceit of our Paratlise,' wliicli they took out of Moses's
books, with the change of the name only ; so, I may say, that
Avhen they invented the rest of their poetical divinity, their
dreams were the olFspring of some real things which they had
seen or heard out of the book of God. I will instance but in
four which are not commonly observed, so far as I have read.
Hercules is called by the dark poet'', rpiea-Trepos Ae'wy, ' the
three nights lion, whom the sharp-toothed dog of Neptune
swallowed up within his jaws.' This dog of Neptune, the sea
god, saith Isaac Tzetzes', is the whale, and Hercules hath the
'I'as TTapa ttcktlv, a)y eiTTfiK, im- ' Acts xvii. 21.
(Trjixnvs (Ojnas, Kara to. irup (kc'icttois j Orat. 20. [al. 43. § 23. torn. i.
narpia bpoyv €vd(a-fios BicTtXfVf. — ]). "89 C]
^ Lycoi)hion. [Cassandr. 33.]
h In Boeot. [lib. ix. cap. 36. § 5.] ' [In loc. p. 20.]
The Introduction.
89
epithet of ' three nights,' because, being swallowed, he lay
three days iv t<3 k^tci, ' in the whale,' which he calls nights,
because the belly of the fish was d^wrtoros kol aKoreivos,
' without all hght, and black as the night.' This seems to me
to be but a corruption of the story of Jonah, which might well
be known to the heathens, and easily applied to Hercules.
For it is observed by D. Kimchi'", that there is not so much
as the name of Israel in all the prophecy of Jonah, because he
was sent only to heathens. And he was embarked in a vessel
going to Tarsliish, or Tartessus in Spain, as Bochartus^ hath
proved, in which pai't of the world it is well know the Tyrian
Hercules was most worshipped. Now it hath been the manner
of the world to attribute all strange things that were done by
others to some one person famous among them ; as all witty
stories and jests are at this day fathered upon him that is most
noted by us to abound with them ; and so they might easily
tell the story of their Hercules when it was once noised among
them, because they ascribed all wonders and miracles to hmi.
A second instance I may give in the fables of Iphigenia and
Julia Luperca. The former of which being to be sacrificed to
Diana, an hare, or as some say an heifer, came running in the
middle (and thickets as it were) of the Greek army, which by the
counsel of their prophet they offered instead of her. The latter
having the knife just at her throat (as it was at Isaac's) an eagle
came and apiru^ei to fic/)os, 'snatcheth away the knife' out of the
priest's hands, and threw a young panther near to the altar,
which they offered for her. These two stories are but a depra-
vation of two in the Scripture concerning Isaac and Jephtha's
daughter, which they have jumbled together. And therefore the
same Isaac Tzetzes", in his Scholia upon Lycophron, adds these
words to these stories : " You cannot but remember tov avn
"'la-aa.K Kpiov iv <f>vT<f 2a/3€/c hih^ixivov, ' the ram which instead
of Isaac was caught in the bush Sabek,'" (so the LXX read
those words, 22 and 13,) as 1 think I should have done if he
had not noted it to my hand.
But those verses of Homer, on which Porphyry writes his
book -nepi avrpov Nf/xc/jwi;, are as like to David's words in
Psal. cxxxix. 15. as any thing can be, if we receive Porphyry's
"1 [In Jona Illustrato, &c. per " [Geogr. Sacr. lib. i. cap. 34.
J. Leusdcu, p, 15. 8vo. Traj. ad col. 606.]
Rhen. 1656.] " [In Cassandr. 183. p. 72.]
90
The Introduction.
comment upon them. And according to Tatianus's computa-
tion Homer lived not long after his time, and so might have
some knowledge of his songs. David's words are, / am fear-
fully and wonderfulli/ made, &c. and curiously wrovght in
the loivest part of the earth. Where the word (which
we render curiously ivrought) is by Val. Schindler interpreted
contextus sum, ' I am weaved ;' and the verb doth signify acu-
pingere, &c. ' to work curiously with a needle,' or otherwise.
The words of Homer, which I say do answer to these, and de-
scribe the body of man as wrought in a loom and rarely
weaved, are in liis story of Ulysses p, where he speaks of a cave,
and saith,
'Ei/ S' icTToi \ideoi itepifiifKeft, ev6a Tt Nv/iK^at
<f)dpea v<palpov(riv aKi7z6p<^vpa, Bavfia IdtaOai.
There do the nymphs, a wonder 'tis to see.
Their purple garments weave most curiously;
From off long stones their threads are drawn.
As David saith that he was wrought in the lowest j)<^'>'ts of
the earth, i. e. the womb ; so he here speaks of an antrum or
' cave ' in which the nymphs or souls making bodies tUd reside.
The instruments or tools from whence they drew their yarn,
which he calls ' great long stones,' Porphyry q interprets to sig-
nify the bones of the body, which are hard like mito stones,
which uphold the flesh, and unto which it is fastened; and
these purple coloured garments are (saith he) r] alfxarav
i^vcfjaivofjiivr] (Tap$, ' the flesh which is weaved or wrought out
of blood,' wliich is, as it were, the coat wherewith the soul
clothes itself. To this answers that in David, that he was cu-
riously wrought or weaved in the womb. And then Qavy-a
IhidOaL is expressly the same with those words of David, I am
fearfxdly and wonderfully made, and marvellous are thy
works. And it is a wonder, saith the same Porphyry, whether
we look upo'i Ti]v (Tva-Taa-iv, at the rare 'fabric and composition'
of the body, or irpbs ttjv tnivheaiv rovTio rrj^ ■^)^ris, or 'at the no
less strange conjunction of it with the soul.'
Neither is this the single conceit of Porphyry, but he that
will read Joh. Protospatharius f upon that verse of Hesiod's,
T^ S' loToi' (TTTjaaiTo yvvr), npo^aXoiTo re tpyov,
Avill soon see that he also thought Homer to have described in
P Odyss. v. [107.] 1 Ilfpt vvp.<pa>v avrp. [p. 259.]
^ In his fjixepas. [vers. 772.]
Introduction.
91
those woi'ds the contexture and formation of our bodies in the
womb. For he saith^, by the web he advises the woman to
weave on the twelfth day of the moon, is meant a pliysical
mystery concerning the generation of our bodies, which he
tliere explains ; and for a proof of what he saith, he directs us
plainly to this place of Homer, which I have recited. But I
have no list to prosecute this any further.
There is another instance that suggests itself to my thoughts,
and I should have taken it for a corruption of the story of
Elias calling for fire from heaven to consume his sacrifice, had
not Pausanias assured us that he saw it with his own eyes.
But it will clearly show how studious those false gods were to
imitate the God of Israel, and render what I have said very
probable, which makes me think it fitting to be here related.
Some priests, he saith*, in Lydia, Avho worshipped after the
Persian manner, used to call upon he knew not what God, in a
barbarous form of woi-ds not to be understood by the Greeks ;
and presently the wood that was upon the altai' was kindled
without any fire, and appeared all in a bright flame. I could
easily show that these barbarous words were Abraham, Isaac
and Jacob, Sebaoth and such like, and in all probability the
God they invoked was the unknown God, and the example
they apishly followed was that great prophet.
And indeed the prophet Elijah did therefore call for fire from
heaven, because all sacrifices at Jerusalem were consumed and
eaten only by the holy fire which God sent from above to
them. The devil therefore in this thing may have seemed to
endeavour that his offerings might sometimes correspond with
those of the temple of God. And so Pindar gives us another
instance, how that the llhodians being about to offer sacrifice
to Jupiter, had forgotten to bring fire along with them to his
altars, but he being loth it seems to lose this fat oblation,
Savdav ayaymv V((^i\av
' did bring a yellow cloud over them, and rained much gold '
upon the altar. This ' golden shower,' as an excellent person of
''Ai/fu hi h!] TTvpos avdyKT) naaa
€^ airwv eKXdp\j/ai. — Pausan. Eliac.
prior seu lib. v. [cap. 27. § 5.]
" [Olymp. vii. 90.]
92
The Introduction.
our own " doth interpret it, was nothing else but a ' shower of
fire,' which devoured the sacrifice in imitation of the sacred
story. No wonder then if in otlier things as well as these
they were forward to transcribe the Holy Writ ; and let it not
be imputed to a vain and affected ostentation of learning, if I
sometimes use their customs for an illustration of sacred
matters.
But the following discourse is interlaced with so few of their
authors, that perhaps it doth not merit this apology, and there-
fore I will cease it with this double desire : — the one is to my
reader, that if he understand not every line in the first part,
yet he would not throw away the rest, wliich are fitted to his
practice ; the other is to God, that he would bless it to those
ends for which it is designed. Amen.
^ Dr. Cudworlh. ["A discourse concerning the true notion of the Lord's
supper," chap, 6. p. 91. 8vo. Lond. 1670.]
MENSA
MYSTICA.
SECT. I.
THE INTRODUCTION.
The sacraments being not unfitly called by an ancient writei*
'the gai'ments that are cast about our Saviour*,' and it being
the profession of divines to labour to see the naked face of
truth, it is most worthy our pains to open and reveal those
secrets that lie hid and veiled under symbols and sensible
things.
And to say the truth, these vestments are so thin and trans-
parent, that the truth doth shine through them, and shew itself
to well-prepared minds. They are but hke to those thin
clouds wherein the sun is sometimes wi'apped, which render its
body the more visible to our weak and trerabhng eyes.
I cannot pretend to have conversed much with barefaced
truth, yet having been drawn to publish a few thoughts con-
cerning baptism, I shall now further endeavour to unfold those
mysteries that lie hid under the coverings of bread broken and
wine poured out in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, that
men may not (Ixiou-likc) embrace a mere cloud instead of God
himself.
My sight is not so sliarp as to chscern the very flesh and
blood of Christ in those forms and shapes of bread and wine ;
no more could that eagle-eyed author I mentioned, though he
thought he could see as far as the celestial hierarchy, which
will appear to any one that shall be at the pains to read him.
Yet I am so far from thinking that they are mere signs of what
Christ did for us, or only representations of the benefits we
* Ta Tr€ piKtifjieva. aoi avfi^oKiKtos afj.(j)ti(TixaTa, Dionys. cap. 3. Eccles.
Hierarch. [§ 2. p. 286.]
94
Mensa Mystica : or.
receive by him, that I am persuaded tliey exhibit our Lord
himself unto beheAing minds, and put tliem into a surer pos-
session of him.
The truth commonly lies between two extremes, and being a
peaceable thing, cannot join itself with either of the dii'ectly
opposite parties. And therefore I shall seek for her in a middle
path, not bidding such a defiance to the 'corporeal' presence,
as to deny the ' real ;' nor so subverting the fancy of a miracu-
lous change into a celestial ' substance,' as to level these things
into mere ' shadows.'
A SHORT PRATER.
And vouchsafe, O Lord, to every one that peruse this book, the
illumination of thv holy Spirit, to understand those things which are
faithfully declared therein, according to thy mind and will : and
work in all their hearts most devout affections to our biessedSaviour,
and to that commemoration of his sacrifice, which he hath ordained,
for our increase in faith, and love, and holy obedience. Amen.
CHAP. L
The first end of this holy feast ivas for a remembrance of
Christ. What it is to remember him. The Passover ap-
pointed for a memorial. Two things which in this feast
tve commemorate. And our commemoration is made two
ways: to men and to God. From tvhence we may infer
two senses, in which it may be called a sacrifice.
First then, this holy rite of eating bread broken, and
drinking wine poured out, is a solemn commemoration of
Clirist^, according as he himself saith to all his apostles, and
particularly to St. Paul, who twice makes mention of this com-
mand. Do this in remembrance (or for a remembrance) ofme^.
His meaning is, not that we should hereby call him to mind
(for we are never to forget him), but rather that we should
keep him in mind, and endeavour to perpetuate his name in
the woi'ld, and propagate the memory of him and his benefits
to the latest posterity. Now this is done by making a solemn
rehearsal of his famous acts, and declaring the inestimable
greatness of his royal love. For dra/xi'Tjtrts doth not signify
* Luke xxii. 19.
I Cor. xi. 24, 25.
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
95
barely recordatio, ' recording' or registering of liis favours in
our mind ; but commemoratio, ' a solemn declaration,' that we
do well bear them in our hearts, and will continue the memory
and spread the fame of him as far and as long as ever we are
able.
I hope that none will conceive so little to be meant by this
word, 'remember' or 'commemorate,' as a naked mention of
his name with our mouths, or a dead image of him in our
minds. For all these words, to ' know,' ' believe,' ' meditate,'
' remember,' and the like, are hearty words and full of life.
Though they seem to speak only actions of the mind, yet in
holy language they include in their comprehension the af-
fections of the heart. Cold pale thoughts, which have no feel-
ing of themselves, nor leave any footsteps or memorials behind
them, are as good as none at all. And therefore I understand
hereby a very warm sense in the soul, which begets and stirs
up such motions in the heart as the conceived object is apt to
raise.
Suppose you have been in deep love with any person, and
have lost the half of yourselves ; when you remember the
death of that friend, the image of him is ready to rob you of
your lives, and make all the blood retire to your heart, as if
death were about to sui-prise the main fort of life. But on the
contrary, if you think of that person as alive, the remem-
brance of him makes your spirits dance, and the blood to run
into your cheeks, and smiles to sit on your forehead, and
breeds a pleasance in your whole man. Just so would our Sa-
viour be remembered by you, that the thoughts of him may
even kill you with grief, and transport you with love, and cap-
tivate your wills, and engage all your affections, that they may
be at his command, and issued forth at his pleasure. As you
think of a friend, of a father, of a wife or a husband, or any
one that hath got the possession of your heart, so think of
him.
By which examples you may see, that I intend not a natural
passion, and a sensual commotion in the soul, but a well-
grounded affection.
When we read a true history, or a romance, we are apt to
side with some persons in the story ; and when we meet with a
duel, we favour one of the combatants, and are sensible of his
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Mensa Mystica : or.
wounds, and sorry for his fall, a-^ on the contrary we are glad
he comes off a conqueror and wins the field. So may a man
when he thinks of Christ and his tragedy, conceive a natural
hatred and indignation at the treachery of Juda,s, and the ^^le
mahce of the Pharisees, and be much moved to see him used in
such an unworthy manner ; it may be fetch sighs from his
heart, and tears from his eyes, and put him into such a huge
passion as if he suffered with him. But if all this have no
effect in his hfe, and produce no answerable fi'uits afterward, it
is no more than a natm'al motion, and is void of the divine and
heavenly Spirit.
We must remember Christ therefore, as Nehemiah desires
God to remember him^, by doing good; or as we remember our
Creator, by a true subjection of all our faculties to liis sovereign
will.
Then we remember him as we ought, when we get him
formed in our hearts, and have a more living image of him left
in our minds ; when it stirs and is busy in our souls, and
awakens all other images, and calls up all divine truths that are
within us. to send them forth upon their several employments
into oiu" hves.
Now for the fuller imderstandinof of this matter, vou must
know that the paschal supper (which is called by Greg. Naz.*"
ver}' elegantly, Hmos tvtsov a/iybpoTepos, ' a more obscm*e type
of tliis type') was instituted for a remembrance, and was a feast
of commemoration, as will soon appeal* if you look but a while
into the particulars of it. And first you must observe that the
very day of the Passover was 'j'i"^3t^' ' for a memorial' of then'
miraculous dehverance out of Egypt, as you may read, Exod.
xii. 14, and therefore they are bid to remember this day, in
which they came out of Egypt, out of the house of bond-
age, &c.<= Thence it was that they were commanded to eat the
lamb with bitter herbs ^ for a remembrance of their hard
bondage in Egypt, which made then' lives bitter unto them*.
So was the unleavened bread, the bread of affliction, in remem-
brance that they brought their bread out of Egypt unleavened f,
and were there in great servitudes, so that their soul was even
^ [Orat.xlv. §23. tom.i.p.863B.]
* [Nehera. i. 6, i r ; xiii. 14, 22.]
Exod. xiii. 3.
•J Exod. xii. 8. ^ jb. i. 14.
f lb. xii. 34.
s lb. xiii. 3.
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
97
dried and parched in them. The later Jews have added the
charoseth, which is a thick sauce, in memory of the clay and
mortar which they wrought in ; and they used red wine for a
remembrance that Pharaoh shed the blood of their children.
To which may be added, that God required there should be a
rehearsal to their children of what the Lord had done for them,
that so this feast might be for a sign upon their hand, and foi-
a memorial between their eyes to all posterity, as you may see
Exod. xiii. 8, 9. And thence it is that the Jews call that section
of the law, or the lesson which they read that night, the Hag-
gadah, ' annunciation ' or ' shewing forth,' because they com-
memorated and predicated both their hard services, and God's
wonderful salvation, and the praises that were due to him for
so great a mercy.
It is easy now to apply all this to our present purpose, if we
do but consider that this likewise is a holy feast. Whence it is
called the Lord's supper^ (not only because he appointed it,
but because he was the end of its celebration), and an enter-
tainment at the table of the LordK
This feast our Saviour first keeping with his apostles, who
were Jews, he makes part of the Passover-cheer to be the pro-
vision of it. For he takes the bread and wine, which used to
go about in that supper through the whole family, to signify
his broken body, and his blood which was to be shed. Now
this was to be in commemoration of a deliverance wrought by
him, from a greater tyranny than the Israelites were under,
which made all the world groan, and was ready to thrust us all
below into the devil's fiery furnace. And therefore, as it is
said, Exod. xiii. 8, Thou shalt shew thy son in that day, say-
ing. This is done, &c. ; so the apostle, in a manifest allusion to
that phrase, saith, that wlien we eat this bread, and drink
this cup, we do sheiv forth the Lord's death until he corne^.
So that we may conclude, that in this feast in honour of Christ,
we are to make a rclicarsal of his famous acts, to proclaim his
mighty deeds, to speak of the glorious honour of his majesty,
and of his wondrous works, and to endeavour that one gene-
ration may praise his ivorks to another, and declare his
mighty acts, that they may speak of the glory of his kingdom,
and talk of his power^.
h I Cor. xi. 20. ' lb. X. 21. ^ lb. xi. 26. ' P.sal. cxlv. 4, 5, &c.
PATRICK, VOL. I. H
98
Mensa Mystica : or,
And indeed it should seem, that the memory of a thing is by
nothing so sensibly preserved and so deeply engraven in men's
minds as by feasts and festival joys. For it hath been the way
of all the world, to send to posterity the memory of their bene-
factors or famous persons, by instituting of such solemn times,
wherein men did assemble together, and by the joys and plea-
sures of them more imprint the kindnesses and noble achieve-
ments of such worthies in their minds. So we find among the
Greeks their Aia/ceta in honour of iEacus, their AlavTeia in
honour of Ajax, and in latter times their ' Avnyoveia, and such
like, in remembrance of the merits of such persons, and how
highly they deserved of the places Avhere their feasts were
celebrated. In like sort the Jews had their feasts in memory
of some great and rare passage of Divine Providence, though
not of any particular persons, lest they should be tempted to
Avorship them as their saviours, according as the custom of the
heathen was. But all worship being due to our Lord and
Saviour, he thought fit in like manner to appoint this feast to
be as a passovcr unto us, a holy solemnity that should call us
together and assemble us in one body, that we might be more
sensibly impressed with him, and that all generations might
call him blessed, and he might never be forgotten to the
world's end.
Now of two tilings it is a remembrance ; and two ways we
commemorate or remember them ;
I. It is instituted els ava.iJ.vr]<nv rod (T(t)iJ,aTo-noLri(ra<Tdai avTov™,
&c. ' for a remembrance that he was embodied for those that
believe on him,' and became passible for their sakes. The
bread and the wine are in token that he had a true body, and
that the Word was made flesh. For thence Tertullian and
Irenajus do confute Marcion, who denied the truth of Christ's
flesh, and made his body to be a fantastical thing ; because
then real bread and wine could not be a figure of it : and so
Theodoret" saith out of Ignatius, that some (Simon and Menan-
der, I think) did not admit evyapiaTias /cat ■npo(r<popas, ' thanks-
givings and oflferings' (viz. of bread and wine) in this saciM-
Justin Martyr, Dialog, cum Tryph. [§. 70. p. 168 E.]
" Dialog. 3. [torn. iv. p. 231.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper. 99
incnt, because they did not confess that it was the flesh of our
Saviour.
Now with what affection we should call to mind this love,
that God would appear to us not by an angel in a bright
cloud, not in a body of pure air, but by his Son in our own
flesh, I leave your own hearts to tell you. Methink we should
wish that all the world could hear us proclaim this love ; and
that even the fields and forests, i. e. the most desolate and
heathenish places, might resound our joyful acclamations to
him. We should wish to feel something of ecstasy, and to go
out of ourselves, when we think of him. For,
II. It was instituted eis avd/xin/o-ir rov Trddovs", 'in commemo-
ration of his passion and sufferings for us.' As the bread and
wine do commemorate the truth of his body ; so do bread
broken and wine poured out commemorate the truth of his
sufferings for us, which those fantastical people in the first
times did no less deny. And the bread and wine being given
to us severally, not both together, do clearly tell us that he
was really dead, his vital blood being separated from his body,
and his veins and heart being emptied of it. This is that
miracle of love which the apostle saith we should shew forth
till he come : this is that famous act which never ennobled the
story of any person, that the Lord would purchase enemies by
his own blood; yea, by the blood of the cross reconcile them
to himself. The thought of this is able to wound a heart of
marble with love, and to turn a rock into a fountain of tears,
and to unloose the tongue of the dumb, that they may speak
the honour of his Name, and shew forth his praise. And there-
fore, because this was such a singular instance of love, and
because it contains in it so many secrets (which we should have
before our eyes) it is the chief thing that we are to make a
remembrance of.
But, as I said before, there are two parts of this commemo-
ration, and it cannot be contained within the bounds of this
world, but we must make it reach as far as heaven. For,
I. We do sheiv it forth and declare it unto men, which is
sufticiently clear by all that hath been said. Wc do publisli
and auniiufiatc unto all that he is the Saviour of the world,
" Just. Marl. ih. [§.41. i). 137 D.]
H a
100
Mensa Mystica : or,
and that he hatli died for us, and purchased blessings thereby
beyond the estimate and account of human thought. And
further, the word Karay-ykkKdv may import, that we do extol,
predicate, magnify and highly lift up in our praises this great
benefit, so that all may come to the knowledge of it, as far as
is in our powers to procure. This commemoration the minister
chiefly makes unto the people, and all the people together
with him to all that are present, so that all may wonder at
his love.
When our Saviour therefore saith, Do this in remembrance
of me, the meaning is, Do this in remembrance that I dwelt in
flesh, in memory of what I suffered, in memory of the infinite
price of my blood which I shed for you, in memory of the
victory that I have obtained by it over the enemies and
tyrants of your souls ; in memory of the immortal glory that
I have purchased for you : celebrate this feast in memory of
all these things, and when I am dead, let me alway live in
your heart. Tell them one to another in a solemn manner,
and declare them in the face of my church. Let all ages know
these things, as long as the world shall last ; that as the
benefit is of infinite merit, so may the acknowledgment be an
eternal memorial. Be so careful in doing this, that when I
come again I may find you so doing.
2. We do shew forth the Lord's death unto God, and com-
memorate before him the great things he hath done for us.
We keep it, as it were, in his memory, and plead before him
the sacrifice of his Son, which we shew unto him, humbly re-
quiring that grace and pardon, with all other benefits of it,
may be bestowed on us. And as the minister doth most power-
fully pray in the virtue of Christ's sacrifice when he represents
it unto God ; so do the people also, when they shew unto him
what his Son hath sufi^ered. Every man may say, " Behold,
O Lord, the bleeding wounds of thy own Son ; remember how
his body was broken for us ; think upon his precious blood
which was shed in our behalf. Let us die, if he have not made
a full satisfaction. We desire not to be pardoned, if he have
not paid our debt. But canst thou behold him and not be
well pleased with us ? Canst thou look on his body and blood
which we represent to thee, and turn thy face from us ? Hast
thou not set him forth to be a propitiation through faith in his
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
101
blood ? O Lord, then suffer us sinful creatures to plead with
thee. Let us prevail in the virtue of his sacrifice for the graces
and blessings that we need ; and hide not thyself from us, un-
less thou canst hide thyself from thy Son too, whom we bring
with us unto thee." In this sort may we take the boldness to
speak to God, and together with a representation of Christ, we
may represent our own wants, and we may be confident, that
when God sees his Son, when we hold up him, as it were, be-
tween his anger and our souls, he will take some pity, and
have mercy upon us. Just as a poor man, pleading with a
king, commemorates to him the worthy deeds of some of his
ancestors, or makes mention of the name of some high favourite,
for whose sake he desires his petition may be granted : so it is
with us, when we come before God to request mercy of him ;
wo can hope to prevail for nothing, but through the Name of
our Lord, whom we can never mention with so nnich advan-
tage as when we solemnly commemorate his sufferings and
dcservings. For then we pray and do something else also
which God hath commanded ; so that there is the united force
of many acceptable things to make us prevalent. And hence
I suppose it is that Isid. Felus. P calls the sacramental bread
apTov TTpodeaews, the ' shewbread ' (as we render it), which we
set before God, as that stood alvvay before his face in the time
of the Law, that God, looking upon it, might remember his
people Israel for good.
It will not be unprofitable to add, that this was one reason
why the ancients called this action a sacrifice (which the
Romanists now so much urge) ; because it doth represent the
sacrifice which Christ once offered. It is a figure of his death
which we commemorate, unto which the apostle St. Paul (as a
learned man conceives 1) hath a reference, when he saith to
the Galatians, that Jesus Christ was set forth evidently before
t/ieir eyes, crucified among them. They saw, as it were, his
sacrifice on the cross; it was so lively figured in this sacra-
ment. And it is very plain that St. Chrysostom"" (or whosoever
was the author of those commentaries) understood no more,
P L. i. Epist. 123. [p. 38 C] Tt ovv; rjfieis Kaff tKa.<JTr]V t'jfxf-
1 l^'Empereur. [Disp. thcol. v. dc /iw ov Trpofrcfitpoiuv ; k.t.\. [hom.
Coena Dom. art. i. 8vo. Liigd. Bat. xvii. i.-i. torn. xii. p. 168D,]
1648.]
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Mensa Mystica : or,
when as he thus speaks, upon the epistle to the Hebrews;
" Wliat then ? do not we offer every day ? yet we offer by
making a commemoration {avaixvr](n.v) of his death. And we
do not make another sacrifice every day, but alway the same,
or rather a remembrance of a sacrifice." Such an unbloody
sacrifice, which is only reraemoi*ative, and in representation,
we all acknowledge. And if that would content them, we make
no scruple to use Eusebius his words, who saith it is " a remem-
brance instead of a sacrifice^:" and in another place, " We
sacrifice a remembrance of the great soxrilice'." And so every
Christian is a priest or a sacrifice when he comes to the table
of the Lord. For as our Lord saith to his apostles, Luke xxii.
19. Do this in remembrance of me; so lie saith to every private
Christian the same words, i Cor. xi. 24. Only there is tliis
difference, that Do this &c., in St. Luke, doth manifestly refer
to those words before, to take bread, give thanks, and give to
others (which is only the minister's work) : but in St. Paul, Do
this &c. refers to Take, eat, which immediately precedes ; and
this is to be done by all. So that both the one and the other,
in their several kinds, do commemorate Christ, and represent
him to the Father.
And that it is only a memorial of a sacrifice, and not a pro-
pitiatory sacrifice, the arguments of a divine in the council of
Trent ^ will prove, in spite of all opposers : " Our Saviour,"
saith he, " did not offer sacrifice when he instituted this sacra/-
ment, for then the oblation of the cross would have been super-
fluous, because mankind would have been redeemed by that of
the supper which went before. Besides," saith he, " the sacra-
ment of the altar, ' as he calls it, " was instituted by Christ for
a memorial of that which he offered on the cross : now there
cannot be a memorial but of a thing past ; therefore the eu-
charist could not be a sacrifice before the oblation of Christ on
the cross, but shewed what we were afterward to do." From
hence we argue, that if it was not so then, neither is it so now.
We do nothing but what Christ then did ; and therefore if he
offered no sacrifice, neither do we, but only commemorate that
^ L. i. Demonst. Evang. fJ-vrifirj * Qiofitv rrjv fivrifir/v Tov fitytiXov
dvT\ Ovcrias. [^fivrjjxrjv Koi rjfiiv irapa- 6vfJLaT0S. [p. 27. fin.]
bovi, avTi 6valas tw Qeu diijveKws ^' Hist. Cone. Trent. [Sarpi, lib.
npocftptpeiv. — ]i. 26.] ]i. 510.1
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper. 103
sacrifice whicli lie was then about to offer. Tlieret'oro a Por-
tugal divine in that assembly" made a speech to prove, that it
could not be demonstrated out of the Scripture that this sacra-
ment is a sacrifice, but only out of the ancient Fathers ; and
he answered all the arguments to the contrary so strongly, and
the Protestants' arguments afterwards so weakly, that the
most intelhgent were of opinion that he did not satisfy himself.
But of this perhaps too much, unless the state of things among
us plead my excuse.
I will add but this one thing more, and so put an end to
this chapter ; — that it may be called a sacrifice, because with
the action we do offer prayers to God for all good things.
And so St. Augustin'^ expounds that place in i Tim. ii. i. con-
cerning the petitions put up at the Lord's supper. By " sup-
plications" he understands the petitions put up before the bread
and wine be blessed. By "prayers" he understands those
whereby they are blessed and sanctified, and made ready to
be given to the people. By "intercessions" he understands
the prayers made for the people when they do partake (for
then the minister, as if he were a kind of advocate, doth offei*
them to God, and commit them to his hand) : after which fol-
low the tvxapi-TTiaL, ' giving of thanks,' which are made by all,
for that and all other mercies that the good God bestoweth on
us. Whatsoever becomes of this interpretation, we need not
fear to call the whole action by the name of a sacrifice, seeing
part of it is an oblation to God of hearty prayers and thanks-
givings (as you shall see presently) ; and it is not unusual for
that to be said of a whole that is exactly true but of one part.
But methinks it much unbecoraes Christians to quarrel about
names, especially about the name of that which should end all
quarrels ; and therefore I only intended to shew how this
word may be used (if we please) without danger, and how the
ancient church did understand it.
A PRAYER.
Blessed Lord, who hast ordained this holy feast for a solemn and
aftectionate commemoration of the condescending kindness of our
most gracious Lord and Master, in taking our nature upon him ;
" [George de Ataide, ibid. Com- §. 16. p. 187.]
pare Morton, ' Catholike appcalc for " Epist. 59. ad Paulinam. [al. 149.
Protestants,' &c. part 2. chap. 7. torn, ii, col. 509 C]
104
Mensa Mi/stica : or.
but especially in laying down his life, nay, suffering the death of the
cross for us : possess my soul, I beseech thee beforehand, with such
lively thoughts of him, and of his love to me ; and with such ardent
love to him, who hath given himself for me ; that when I come to
do this in remembrance of him, I may want none of those devout
affections which become his presence, and ought to attend upon
him : but may so magnify and praise this inestimable benefit, and
make such a representation of it unto thy Divine Majesty, that I
may obtain all that mercy and grace from thee, which he purchased
by the sacrifice of his most blessed body and blood.
Which, I beseech thee, give me grace to commemorate, with such
supplications and prayers, such intercessions and thanksgivings, that
I may offer up unto thee spiritual sacrifices, acceptable unto thee,
through Christ Jesus. Amen.
CHAP. II.
It is a remembrance of Christ with thanksgiving. For it is
a feast. The Jewish feasts upon their sacrifice a pattern
of it. Especially/ the paschal supper, in which they sung
an hymn. Our Saviour gave thanks and blessed when
he instituted this feast. And his disciples kept it with
gladness of heart. And all churches ever since have cele-
brated it with praises and thanksgivings. From whence it
is evident there are two otJier senses in ivhich it may
be called a sacrifice.
This holy action is to be next of all considered as a remem-
brance or commemoration with thanksgiviiig, avdnvrja-is joter
fvxapi'O'Tias. And thence it is called by the name of ' eucharist,'
i. e. 'thanksgiving,' according to the phrase of ancient times y.
For as the bread and wine, the breaking and pouring out, are
representations, so our taking, eating, and drinking, express
our hearty resentments. This good cheer cannot but breed a
certain cheerfulness. This divine food cannot but fill us with
gladness. After we have tasted the sweetness of heaven and
earth, after we have feasted on that which angels desire to feed
but their eyes withal, how can it choose but breed a spiritual
joy in our souls, and make our mouths break forth into singing ?
If there be any wine that makes glad the heart of man, this
>■ Justin Martyr, Apolng. ii. [al. i. §. 66. p. 83.]
.i
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
105
sure is it, which is pressed, as it were, out of the celestial vine,
and tastes not of the blood of the grape, but of the blood of
God. This should send up our souls in songs of praise to
heaven ; this should make us wish that we could evaporate our
spirits in flames of love, and that our souls were nothing but a
harmony and concent, that we might always be tuned to his
praises. And though the angels have many strains of praise
that we are unacquainted withal, yet this is a note that they
cannot sing. Unto him that hath loved us, and washed us
from our sins in his own blood, and hath made its kings and
priests unto God and his Father ; to him he glory and do-
minion for ever"^.
Now for the fuller understanding of this, I take these six
things to be considerable :
I. That as it is a feast, it betokens joy, and all joy at such
times is expressed by songs. If we will believe the wiser sort
of heathens, they looked upon their public feasts, not only as
times of ease and outward mirth, but as instruments to raise
their thoughts to spiritual things, and fill them with an inward
joy. So Proclus doth apply their customs in the 'ATrarovpta to
intellectual things, which, he saith, lay hid under such cere-
monies. And among other matters he saith ^, that their feasts
on the first day of those solemnities were an emblem of the
perpetual quiet and tranquillity we should labour for in the
world, knowing that " if we be filled with God, he brings in
with him a never ceasing feast." Do I hear a heathen speak ?
Dropt these words from the pen of a pagan ? 0 my soul that
readest this, blush to think that thou shouldest celebrate a
divine feast without a feast, and come to the table of God
empty and void of God. For if they laboured to see something
divine under 1 know not what strange rites, how can we choose
but be filled with God, and festival joys, when we sit with him
at a heavenly banquet ? And if we be, then there will be all
the usual attendants and companions of such seasons ^ ; the soul
will begin to leap and dance for joy, it will awake psaltery and
harp, I mean all the instruments of praise. And so the apostle
(speaking I suppose of the Christian feasts and entertainments)
Rev. i. 5,6.
liib. i, in 'rima>um. Ei yap tt(-
TT\r]poi)ij.(da 6ei)V, nibiov eoprrjv oyti.
[p. 20. init.]
Luke XV. 25.
lOf)
Mensa Mystica : or,
bids them not to he drunk ivith wine, wherein is excess, hut he
filled with the Spirit, speaking to themselves in psalms, and
hymns, and spiritual songs, singing, and making melody in
their hearts to the Lord*^. These two things did commonly
finish the lieathen meetings : after they were well liquored
Avith wine, they used to sing and roar the hymns of Bacchus.
The apostle therefore opposes two sorts of heavenly pleasure
mito that madness, bidding them not to gorge themselves with
wine, but to crave larger di'aughts of the Spirit, not to fill the
air with ik€\ev to Bacchus (as the manner was), but with hal-
lelujahs unto God. Full they might be, so it were with the
Holy Ghost. And chaunt they might, so it were with psalms
and thanksgivings to the Lord. They shall be ahundaatly
satisfied ivith the fatness of thine house, saith the Psalmist,
and thou shalt make them to drink of the river of thy plea-
sure^. Even a heathen could say, that " the reward of virtue
is a perpetual drunkenness*^." But then we must distinguish
of drunkenness as Ficinus doth, who hath well noted that there
is one earthly and nmndane, when the soul drinks of Lethe's
cup, and is beside herself, and unmindful of all divine things.
This is it the apostle speaks against in the beginning of those
verses, as a heathenish crime. But there is another celestial
drunkenness, when the soul tastes of heavenly nectar, and is
indeed out of itself, because above itself: when it forgets these
mortal things, and is elevated to those which are divine,
feeling itself by a supernatural heat to be changed from its
former habit and state. This is it which the apostle exhorts
unto ; this is it which we must long for when we are at the
supper of the Lord. This is that which the spouse means,
according to some ancient expositors, when she saith. He hath
brought me into his banqueting house (or wine-cellars) and his
banner (or coverings) over me was love^\ The Septuagiiit
make it a prayer, and render it thus : Bring me into his wine-
cellar, place love in order over meK Which may be conceived,
Ephes. V. iS, 19. f Vid. argumentum Dialogi 2. de
•1 Psal. xxxvi. 8. Inebriabuntui- Justo. [al. de Rep. p. 590. fol.
ubertate, &c. Vulg. Francof. 1602.]
^ Prsemiiim virtutis esse j)erpe- e For they feasted upon beds.
tuam ebrietatetn. [Musa?iis, teste ^ Cant. ii. 4.
Cael. Rhodig. lect. :inli'|. lib. vii. ' [EicniyayfTe els oIkov tov oivov,
cap. 13. col. 344 li.j ra^are eV e/i£ tiyanr]!', — LXX.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
107
saitli onci, as the voice of the cliurcli to the apostles or min-
isters, " Prepare for me the supper of the Lord, set me down
orderly at the ayAm], the feast of love." There is nothing that
holy souls can more desire than to be so satisfied with him,
that their mouths may praise him with joyful lips. This is the
fruit of the spiritual inebriation, that the soul meditate spiritual
songs and hymns to God. And indeed the better sort of
heathens did in their feasts sing the praises of famous men ;
■which good critics make the true original of the word enco-
mium^. And so the apostle exhorts the Christians, that they
would break forth into their praises of God and Christ, who
were most worthy of all their hymns.
Before I end this let me observe, that every one may sing
such hymns as the apostle calls for, and indite them in his own
heart unto God, because a hymn is not (as we ordinarily think)
only praise in verse and metre, but any words of thanksgiving
that set forth the merits of him that we extol. So a heathen
•will teach us, if we be still to learn it. " When a man," saith
Libanius', " hath any gift given him by God, he should by way
of thankfulness return something unto God : and some give one
thing, some another. The shepherd offers a pipe, the huntsman
a stag's head, the poet a hymn in metre, the orator a hymn
without metre ; and in my judgment," saith he, " a hymn is
more valuable with God than gold, and far to be preferred
before it."
Now love will make any one eloquent ; if our hearts be full
of God, they will run over. Thanksgiving and praise is the
natural language of a pious heart ; and there is no such copious
subject whereon to spend them as the Lord Christ ; and in the
knowledge of Christ, nothing so admirable as his death ; and
therefore when we commemorate that, the high praises of God
must be in our mouths.
IL The Jewish feasts upon their sacrifices do more plainly
instruct us in this matter. They that offered peace-offerings
i Polychronius, — 'SvyKfpaa-aTf /xoi voc. ey<ca)/iioi/,et Aphthon.Progymn.
TO (Ta>ixa Tov XptoroC, ev rrj dydnri p. 48.]
Tcrayfievj] TroifjaaTf. [ad calc. Eu- ' Orat.32."ApT€/;nj'— rioirjTijs vftyof
seb. p. 89.] eV fj,iTp(aKa\ prjTopiKos vpvov I'lvev pe-
^ 'EyKa>piov nupd tov iv Koypnis Tpov,boKe'L h( pomaph Tols Bfoi's vpvos
ghfcrBai roiis (TTiitvovs tmu dyuOaiii -j^pvalnv npoKfKp'KjOiit. [tom. ii. p.
nvhpS)v. [Vid. Etymol. Mafrn. in 661 (J.]
108
Mensa Mystica : or.
unto God were admitted to eat some part of them after they
were presented to him, and some pieces of them burnt upon his
altar. And this is called partakinfj of the altar which was
God's table : where they did rejoice before him as those that
were suffered to eat and drink with him. So I observe, that
where there is mention made of their eating before the Lord,
(which can signify nothing else but their partaking of the
altar, and feasting at his table,) they are said likewise to re-
joice before him, Deut. xii. 7, 18. xvi. 11, in the latter of wliich
places, after he had given command concerning the three great
feasts, he adds, ver. 1 4, thou shalt rejoice in thy feasts. And
in the latter end of king David's reign, when Solomon was
crowned, there was sacrifices offered in abundance for all
Israel (as you may read i Chron. xxix. 21,22): and the people
are said to eat and drink before the Lord on that day tvith
great gladness. But the Psalmist's words are most to be
observed to this purpose, Psal. cxvi. \2, 13, where to the ques-
tion, What shall I return to the Lord for all his benefits
towards me ? he returns this answer, / will take the cup of
salvation, &c., i. e. when I offer crwTjjpia, ' sacrifices for salva-
tion' or deliverance that God hath granted me out of trouble, I
will remember the mercy of God with all thankfulness, as I
feast upon the remains of that sacrifice. For it was the manner,
that the master of the sacrifice should begin a cup of thanks-
giving to all the guests that he invited, that they might all
praise God together for that salvation, in consideration of
which he paid these vows unto him. And in those words the
ancients thought they tasted the cup of salvation which we
now drink in the supper of the Lord ; expounding them in the
analogical sense to signify tS>v ixvaT7]pC<ov Koivaviav^, 'the parti-
cipation of the Christian mysteries.' For in them we are to
lift up songs of praise to heaven, as we feast upon the sacrifice
of Christ, and we are to laud his name who hath done such
great things for us, and raised up a horn of salvation to his
people. But,
III. In the paschal supper, when they eat the lamb in
memory of the salvation out of Egypt, these festival joys and
thanksgivings are more easy to be observed. At which time
I Cor. x. iS. Ezek, xli. 22. " Chrysost. in Psalm, cxvi. [al.
Mai. i. 7. cxv. §.5. torn. v. p. 316 A.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
109
the 1 1 6th Psahii was one of those that used to be sung. For
the masters of the Jewish learning tell us°, that besides their
forms of blessing and thanksgiving, when they took the bread
and wine (which I need not recite) they likewise sung a hymn,
beginning at the cxiii., and reaching to the end of the cxviii.
psalm. The former part of it, to the end of the cxiv., was
recited when they sat down to eat; and when the fourth and
last cup went about, then they sung the latter part, which con-
cluded the solemnity. This hymn was called ^^H' ' the
Egyptian hymn,' as AbarbanelP relates, in memory of the
great dehverance that God vouchsafed them, when he slew the
firstborn of Egypt, and brought them out of the house of
bondage, that they might for ever servo him, and offer sacri-
fices imto him. And it may be noted, that the beginning of
that hymn doth so clearly refer to that deliverance, and the
latter end of it so manifestly refer to Christ (who was in the
passover represented) ; that there could not be one more fitly
chosen for that commemoration. Which likewise may teach
us (if we had no other light to guide us in the business), that
our Lord is to be remembered with such hymns and praises.
It is likely the heathens took their custom of drinking cups
of praises to their gods after their feasts fi*om this Jewish
original. The first of which they drunk 'i as soon as they had
supped, and called it the cup ayaOov batixovos, ' of their good
genius.' The last which they drunk for a parting cup they
called Atos ScottJ/jo?, the cup of ' Jupiter the Saviour :' and in
them they gave praise to their tutelar angel, and the greatest
of their gods, their prime conservator. For that this drinking
was a kind of sacrifice of praise, and joined with hymns, Xeno-
phonf will teach us, who thus speaks ; " When the tables were
taken away, they offered a drink-offering, and sung a song of
praise, and so departed " The cup of devils or daemons which
the apostle forbids the Corinthians, j Cor. x. 21, are by some
° [Vid. Paul. Fag. in Deut. viii.
10. inter Critic. Sacr. torn. i. part. 2.
col. 59.]
P Vid. Bu.xtorf. in voc. bVn.
[col. 614.]
1 See the Schol. upon Aristoph.
in Plut. [vers. 853.] et Equit. [vers.
85.] but especially in Iren, [vers.
300.] 4>a(ri yap otl 8enrpr]<ravT(s
eTre pf>6cf)ovv Ayadov Saipovoi, anaX-
XaTTfcrOai 8e peWovres, enivov Atos
aoiTrjpos. [Conf. Aristot. Q^con. ii.
42; Eth. Eudem. iii. 6. 3.]
^ In Sympos. — 'Qs Bt d(j)rjp(6rj(Tau
al rpaTTf^ai, (cai evTTfiaavTO Kai frraiu-
viaav. [cap. ii. §. I.]
110
Mensa Mystica : or,
taken to be these whicli I have raentionecl^; wherewith they
conchidecl their feasts, after they liad sacrificed unto them. It
may well be so, and thus much we learn from them (who did
but corrupt many good notions of rchgion), that it was an an-
cient practice in the world to offer praises to God as the last
and best of their sacrifices. And that this cup which our Sa-
viour filled to his disciples Avas truly such a cup of salvation,
you may see by his own practice. For,
IV. Our Saviour, in imitation of the Jewish solemnities, did
institute this supper of his with such joys as I am speaking of.
For first he did ^vxapicTTiiv, ' give thanks,' or evkoytiv, ' bless
and praise God'.' Which was not because they were then
going to supper (for St. Matthew saith distinctly, ver. i6, that
as they were eating he took bread and blessed ; and the cup
he took after supper) ; but with a particular respect to this
business, that he might teach us what the minister should do,
and all the people joining together with him. And Paulus
Fagius" thinks it not unlikely that our Saviour used some
part of the form of benediction that is still in the Hebrew
books, blessing God after that manner that then was in use
among the people of God, to which the later Jews have made
some additions.
Secondly, they sung a hymn before they departed ; which
Paulus Burgensis" imagines to have been no other than that
Egyptian hymn which I mentioned before (called by some the
great Hallel), because his disciples were best acquainted with
it. And thus much seems to me considerable, that there is not
only much of Christ in that hymn (as was noted before) ; but
likewise that the whole multitude of disciples, not many days
before, when they brought the lamb of God which was to be
offered at the passover into Jerusalem, did rejoice and sing
praises to God with a part of it ; as may be discerned if you
compare Psal. cxviii. 25, 36, with Matt. xxi. 9, and Luke xix.
37> 38-
s Delrio in Isa. Ixv. 11. [al. Ixvi. quod principium et finem attinet,
II. inter Adag. Sacr. Vet. Test. p. usum fuisse, non autem aliis, quae
421.] a posterioribus Judseis addita sunt.
t Matt. xxvi. I Cor. xi. [Inter Critic. Sacr. torn. i. part. 2.
" In Targ. Deut. viii. — Verisimile col. 58.]
est Christum quibusdam, quae in " [Apud eund. il)id.]
his precibus continentur, maxime
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
Ill
The paschal lamb was to be taken up from the flock four
days before the time of its offering y, in conformity to which (it
is like) our Saviour was solemnly now taken and brought to
Jerusalem, just so many days before he was to be offered
(compare Matt. xxi. 17, 18, and Matt. xxvi. 1): and as the
hosanna which they sung at his preparation to his sacrifice was
taken (as you have seen) out of that hymn, so it is probable
they used no other when he was represented to them as slain
and eaten by them. It will not be out of our way to observe
further, that this psalm was so remarkable, that the next day
after these hosannas (when he saw they wrought nothing upon
the pharisees) he reads them their doom out of it, and declares
to them his exaltation though they might kill him ; The stone
which the builders refused, the same is become the head of the
comer : this is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our
eyes^. But whatsoever become of this conjecture, and sup-
posing the hymn to be unknown ; our Lord, no question,
taught us by this practice, what we should do when we cele-
brate his memory. And accordingly you shall find in the
Scripture,
V. That the disciples did eat this bread iv ayaXXida-ei Kap-
bCas, ' with a gladness and leaping of their heart for joy ;'
alvovvT€s Qebv, 'praising and lauding God^,' extolling of his
name with hymns for all his benefits. Therefore the apostle
Paul calls it the cup of blessing^, because (saith St. Chryso-
stom^^) when it is in our hands, we laud the name of God with
songs of praise, wondering and being astonished at this un-
speakable gift : or as Justin Martyr'^ doth express it, because
the minister, taking the cup, gave thanks, and blessed God, as
our Saviour did ; and all the people said Amen, making a
solemn e-rrevcjirjiiia, or acclamation ; and testifying thereby their
hearts to be in that thanksgiving. But I need not have
recourse to him ; the apostle himself in the same epistle ac-
quaints us with it when he saith, WJien thou shalt bless" with
the spirit (i. e. in an unknown tongue), hotv shall he that is
y Exod. xii. 3, 6. dc^a'rou Stupeay. — in loc. [hom. xxiv.
^ Matt. xxi. 42. § I. torn. x. p. 213 A.]
a Acts ii. 46, 47. d [Apol. i. § 65. p. 82 E.]
h I Cor. X. 16. c 'E(i(/ (vXnyfi(rijs, &C.
Qavfid^ovTft, exTrXf/TTo^ei/ot tijj
112
Mensa Mystica : or,
unlearned say Amen at thy giving of thanks^, seeing he knows
not what thou sayests ? From these words, evAoyj/o-jjs and ev-
XapiaHa, ' shalt bless,' and ' giving thanks,' Beza thinks ^ that
lie touches upon the Lord's supper ; for they are the very
same words which are used concerning that action of our
Saviour when he first celebrated this feast ; as you may see,
Matt. xxvi. 26, 27. And besides, the apostle seems in that
chapter to direct the Corinthians how to handle the whole
divine service so that it might be to edification. Now having
spoken concerning prayer and singing of psalms, ver. 14, 15,
and instructing them afterward concerning teaching and inter-
preting of scripture, ver. 19. 26, in all likelihood he here tells
them how to behave themselves to the same profiting of others
in the supper of the Lord, at which there were many rude-
nesses committed by the people. And that which he teacheth
them is to give thanks in a known tongue', that so all the
people, when the minister comes to et's aicavas t&v aicavcav, ' for
ever and ever' (as St. Chrysostom speaks), might assent with
their wishes, and say Amen. From whence we may collect,
that giving of thanks is so considerable a part of this service,
that in the apostle's style it involves the whole of it.
VI. It may further be observed, that all churches in the
world have always used divine praises in this commemoration ;
and (if we may believe ancient records) such as are very
conformable to the Jewish benedictions at the passover, ^T^Il
^^b^nb<, &c. ' Blessed art thou, 0 Lord our God, the King of
the world, who hast produced bread out of the earth : and
blessed art thou, &c. who hast created the fruit of the vine.'
And afterward, ' Let us bless him who hath fed us with his
own, and by whose goodness we live, &c. For so Ave read in
Justin Martyr' and others, that in their times the church used
to praise God for all things, and particularly for those gifts of
bread and wine, and so for Jesus Christ, his death, passion,
resurrection and ascension ; beseeching the Father of the whole
^ 'EttI Trj (jfi ev)(apicrTia. Toy tov \aov. [Apol. i. § 6^. p.
e I Cor. xiv. i6, 17. 83 A.]
h So the learned Mr. Thorndike ^ [In loc. horn. xxxv. § 3. torn. x.
also. [" Of religious assemblies," p. 325 E.]
cap. 8. p. 295.J 1 Apolog. ii. [ubi supra.] et Con-
' So Justin, — Ev)(api<TTr)aavTos TOV stit. Apost. [lil). vii. caj). 25. apud
irpoea-TwTos Kai enevcjirifitjmvTos rrav- Coteler. Patr. Apost. torn. i. p. 373.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
113
world to accept of the offering they made to hini. And in after-
ages, Cyril of Hicrusalem saith'", ij.vrifxovevoij.€v ovpavov koi yrji,
&c. ' We make mention of the heaven, the earth, the sea, and
all the creatures, reasonable and unreasonable ; of the angels,
archangels, and powers of heaven, praising God, and saying,
Holy, holy, holy Lord God of sabaoth, &c.' These do very
much correspond with those Hebrew forms, which perhaps
they were willing in part to imitate, for the greater satisfaction
of the Jewish Christians, who constituted part of their assem-
blies. One thing more seems to be very clear, that from the
hallel of the Jews it was, that some ancient Christians used in
the fifty days after Easter to sing and ingeminate hallelujahs
in their assemblies, as a remembrance of that great hymn
which the prince of the church and his apostles sung after this
supper. This St. Augustin" takes notice of, but saith, that in
his days those hallelujahs used to be sung at other times also.
From all which Ave may discern a further reason why they
called this sacrament by the name of a sacrifice ; because they
did offer unto God thanksgiving (as the psalmist speaks, Psal.
1. 14) : which is one of the spiritual sacrifices ° which every
Christian is consecrated to bring unto him. It is confessedly
true, that there never was any festival instituted by any people
of the world, but one part of it was a reverend acknowledg-
ment of God, and a thanksgiving to him for his benefits. And
there never was any solemn feast either among Jews, Persians,
Greeks, Egyptians or Romans, without some sacrifice to their
gods. Christians therefore are not without their sacrifice also,
when they keep this feast, and such a one as is very befitting
God ; and which no rational man can deny to deserve the
name. For Porphyry? disputing against the eating or sacri-
ficing of beasts unto God, denies that thereupon any ill conse-
quence could be grounded, as if he denied all sacrifices to him.
' No,' saith he, Gvofiev toIvvv koX rjjjLf is, ' we likewise sacrifice
as well as others,' aXka dvaofxiv ws -npocri^Kei, ' only we will
[Catech.xxiii. mystag.v. cap.6. tem sacrificio gratiarum actio et
P-327-] comraemoratio est carnis Christi,
" Ut autem hallelujah per illos quam pro nobis obtiilit. — Fulg. de
solos dies quinquaginta in ecclesia fide ad Petrum. [cap. 19. inter opp.
cantetur, non usquequaque obser- August, torn. vi. append, col. 30 B.]
vatur, &c.— Epist. 119. [al. 55. cap. o i Pet. ii. 5.
17. torn. ii. col. 141 D.] In isto au- i' L. ii. jrf/vl aTro^. [§ 34.]
PATRICK, VOL. I. I
114
Mema Mystica : or,
sacrifice according as is most meet.' And there he assigns to every
deity its proper homage and acknowledgment belonging to it ;
saying, that to the great God who is 6 iul ttckti, ' he above all,'
•we sacrifice nothing but pure thoughts, and speak not so much
as a word of him. But to those that are the ofi'spring of God,
the celestial inhabitants, ttji' tov Xoyov i^ivi^Uav -npoadtTiov^ ' we
give hymns and praises, which are the conceptions and ex-
presses of our mind ;' and so he proceeds to the more petty
tributes paid to the lesser gods. According then to this
heathen divine, the praises of God may well pass for the most
proper sacrifice; and he makes account that there is none
better but only silent adorations. A soul breathing forth
itself out of an ardent affection in holy hymns, is more accept-
able to God than the richest gums, or the sweetest wood that
can fume upon his altars. But a whole soul full of pure
thoughts, too great to come out of the mouth, and more clear
than to be embodied in words, is transcendent to all obla-
tions.
But yet I would not be so mistaken, as if I thought the
Christian thanksgiving consisted only in inwai'd thoughts, and
outward ^vords. For there are eucharistical actions also where-
by we perform a most delightsome sacrifice unto God.
AVe must not, when we come to God, appear before him
empty ; but we are to consecrate and offer unto him some of
our temporal goods for the relief of those that are in want,
which may cause many thanksgivings to be sent up by them to
God P. It hath been said before, that our whole selves ought
to be offered as an holocaust to God, and our love should be so
great, as to spend om* souls and bodies in his service ; now in
token that we mean so to do, we must give something that is
ours unto him for to be employed to his uses. We are to give
God an earnest of our sincere and entire devotion to him, by
parting with something that we call ours, and transferring it to
him. Of this the apostle speaks, Heb. xiii. 15, 16, where the
serious reader (that can stay so long as to peruse those scrip-
tures which I cite) will find both praise, and likewise commu-
nication of our goods to others, to be called sacrifices. So that
the spiritual sacrifice of ourselves, and the corporal sacrifice of
p 2 Cor. IX. II, 12.
A Discourse of the Lord's Siq:>per. 115
our goods to him, may teach the papists that we are sacrificers
as well as they, and are made kings and ptnests unto God^.
Yea, they may know, that the bread and wine of the eucharist
is an oiFering (out of the stock of the whole congregation) to
this service, according as it was in the primitive times ; when
(as Justin saith) they offered bread and wine to the TipcoecrT^as,
' chief minister' of the brethren, who took it, and gave praise
and glory to the Lord of the whole world, and then made iirl
TToXv a large and prolix thanksgiving to him that had made
them worthy of such gifts. We pray him therefore, in our
communion service, to accept our " oblations" (meaning those
of bread and wine), as well as our " alms." We still make
XoycKTiv Koi aKa-nvov dvaCav (as Origen his phrase is), a ' ratio-
nal and unsmoky sacrifice ;' for we offer ourselves, and our
prayers, and our praises, and our goods. So that if you please,
we may call the table of the Lord KoyLKrjv rpdiTfCar (in Theo-
doret's style), a ' rational table ;' where, as God provides for us,
so we provide for him in those that are his members, and offer
upon it those sacrifices which are most befitting either him or
rational creatures. And that you may see we are engaged to
this kind of offering, it is to be observed, that the eating of
the lamb was not all the solemnity of the passover, but they
sacrificed likewise offerings of thanksgivings in abundance,
that there might be provision for the poor. You may under-
stand this and a diflScult place of Scripture both together. It
is said (according to our translation) in Deut. xvi. 2. Thou
shah sacrifice the passover unto the Lord thy Ood, of the
flock and the herd (or sheep and oxen) in the place ivhich lie
shall choose, &c. It is well known that the sacrifice of the
passover was to be a lamb (Exod. xii. 5.) taken from the sheep
or goats, and might not be of any other kind. Therefore by
"IjPi ' oxen,' or ' the herd,' in this place, Aben Ezra and
others s understand the eucharistical sacrifices, which we find
2 Chron. xxxv. 7. 9. were offered in great abundance. Or as
Abarbanel' will have it, Moses speaks briefly of the passover
(as having suflaciently told them the manner of it before) ; so
that we are to understand "I to be wanting before 1^^!? (i.e.' and'
1 [Rev. i. 6, v. 10.] sacr. in loc. torn. i. part. 2. col. 108.]
Apolog. ii. [al. i. p. 82, 3.] t [Ibid.]
' [Teste de Muis, inter Critic.
I 2
116
Mensa Mystica : or,
to be wanting before ' of the flock'), and thus we must read them :
Thou shah sacrifice t/ie imssover to the Lord, and sheej) and
oxen. Whichsoever way we take them, they tell us thus much,
that there were other sacrifices to accompany the lamb : for
the Jews were bound at the three solemn feasts to be very
liberal and bountiful, and oflfer according to their abilities, that
so the Levites and strangers, the fatherless and widow, might
feast and rejoice together with them, as you may see, ver. lo,
II, 16, ly.
Now Christ at this feast having nothing else to offer besides
the lamb, he did offer himself, which was more than if the
cattle iipon a thousand hills^ had been burnt unto God, or all the
world had been laid on its funeral pile. In this he dealt the
greatest charity to the world, and by his poverty made us rich.
So that we are the more engaged, not only by their example,
but by his, to offer up something unto God beside praises, that
may supply the wants of those who may justly look to be
refreshed by us.
To conclude then this chapter : we must remember always
when we approach to the table of the Lord, that we are to
bring hearts full of thankfuhiess, and mouths full of praises,
and hands full of alms ; and that we may bring all these,
we must bring ourselves to be offered to him. Our hearts
must flame with love, our minds must reek with holy thoughts,
our mouths must breathe forth praises like clouds of incense,
and our hands must not be lifted up with nothing in them ; but
we must pay such acknowledgments unto God, that may really
testify that we and all ours are his. We are to think that we
come solemnly to bless the Lord for all his mercies, and espe-
cially this great and rich one, that he hath given his Son to
die for us, and that he hath purchased forgiveness, repentance,
grace, and salvation by his death on such desirable terms ; and
we must think likewise, that blessing of liim includes in itself
such good works as will provoke others for to bless him.
If you would briefly understand therefore what the meaning
of this holy rite is, remember that it is a commemoration of
Christ and his death, with hearty thanksgivings for all the be-
nefits that we receive thereby.
" [Psalm 1. 10.]
A Discourse of the Lard's Supper.
117
A PRAYER.
Blessed be thy name, O Lord, who hast made our rehgion such a
cheerful service of thee ; and hast given us such abundant cause to
give thee praise and thanks perpetually ; or rather to sing joyful
hymns, in honour of thy holy name, who hast not thought thy Son
too great a gift to bestow upon us ; and in honour of our blessed
Saviour and Redeemer, who hath not thought his own life too much
to part with for us.
Yea, we ought to give thanks and rejoice, that thou hast insti-
tuted this holy feast, to be an everlasting thanksgiving for him, and
to him : and especially, then to have our hearts as full of joy as they
can hold, when we come to partake of it ; to think that we are so
highly favoured by him, and beloved of him.
Blessed be thy name that I am already thus disposed to bless
and praise Thee, which is an earnest of the power of thy holy
Spirit to be with me, to excite and stir me up to the highest degree
of joy and thankfulness, when I come into thy presence, to feast
with him at thy holy table.
O fill me then with admiring thoughts of his astonishing grace ;
that I may be filled, as the apostles were, with gladness of heart :
triumphing in the honour thou hast done me, in making me so
nearly related to the Lord of life and glory. Of which had I a full
sense, I know it would transport my spirit from all these little things
here, and fill me with joy unspeakable and full of glory.
Vouchsafe me as much of this as thou in thy wise goodness shalt
think fit to impart unto one that is unworthy of the least of thy
mercies. For all which enable me then, as I do now, to bless and
praise thee ; and with a cheerful heart to make thee, together with
the oblation of myself, both soul and body, the oblation of some part
of those good things which thou hast blessed me withal ; as an
earnest that I intend not to forget to do good and to communicate:
with which sacrifices, I know, thou art well pleased, through Christ
Jesus.
To whom, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, be endless praises.
Amen.
118
Mensa Mystica : or.
CHAP. III.
The third end of this feast is to be an holy rite ivhereby we
eater into covenant ivith Ood. For God hath made it an
act of tvorship tvhereby we acknowledge him, and engage
ourselves to him. As tve eat at his table, ive profess our-
selves to belong to his family. By feasting at the same
table covenants tvere anciently made. Especially by feast-
ing on a sacrifice.
2'he eating of this sacrifice is a solemn oath of fidelity to him.
As appears by what the heathens thought of the devotion*
of the ancient Christians.
There will be no such cause of joy as the former discourse
hath spoken of, if we be not faithful unto God and his Son
Christ. And therefore we must further consider tliis action, as
a rite whereby we enter into covenant with him. This is in-
cluded in our taking the bread and wine, as well as in our eat-
ing and drinking of them ; and was expressed before, when I
said, we must olfer om-selves to God as the greatest act of
our thanksgiving. That offering of ourselves is such a thing,
that it puts us out of oui" own power ; and besides, we enter
here into strict engagements never to resume or draw back
ourselves again, never to challenge any right to have ourselves
in our own disposal. We make a solemn agreement with the
Lord Jesus, that he shall dwell in us, and possess himself of all
our faculties, as the sole Lord and Governor of our souls.
Though this have been done once already when we were bap-
tized, so that we cannot reverse the deed, nor cancel the bond
that is between us, yet seeing the matter of the covenant is
alway to be performed, and more than one world depends upon
it, God thinks fit to take new security of us, and strengthen
our obligations, lest we think of letting the debt run on un-
paid one day after another, till we be quite bankrupts, and
have nothing left whereby to discharge it.
We are also a[)t to think that we stand indebted unto God
in no great sum ; and that though we should spend prodigally
till the latter part of our life, yet we should have enough to
pay him, and give him very good content. Therefore it is but
necessary that Ave should often be remembered of our huge en-
gagements, presently to perform our word to him : and when
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper. 119
we begin again to fail, and not to keep our credit witli him, it
is no less necessary that he should call again upon us, and have
us enter into more solemn bonds of a stricter performance.
And truly they that know what it is to enjoy God long for
no better entertainment from him when they come to his house
and table, than that they may be tied faster to him with new
cords of his love ; and that it may be made more impossible
for them to unloose themselves from liis service. What is there
more in the desire of a holy soul, than to cease to be its own ?
what greater pleasure doth it feel than in parting with itself?
To what would it be more engaged, than to the pleasing of
him whom it heartily loves ? Let me be bound hand and foot
(saith such a soul) that I may never stir from him. Let me
seal to him a thousand deeds to convey myself imto him. If
he would have me sign the covenant with my blood, every
vein in my body shall leap to ,do him that honour. But rather
let him come and seat himself in my heart, and let him take
my dearest life-blood, if it will do him any service. I accept of
a suffering Saviom' : I take him as he is, all broken and bloody.
If he will have me follow him with a cross upon my shoulder, I
refuse no conditions ; behold, O Lord, thy servant, do with me
as seems good in thy sight.
Thus we are to address ourselves to this feast, as will be
better understood if we consider these five things :
I. If we look upon this action only under the general notion
of a holy rite which God hath appointed as an act of his wor-
ship ; yet the very using of it is an acknowledgment of him
and his religion, and an engagement of ourselves unto him as
our God. He that was circumcised was bound to observe the
whole law ; and so was he that offered sacrifice to the God of
Israel at his altar engaged to own him that had appointed that
worship. Just so the performing but of one thing which God
hath appointed as a ceremony in the rehgion of Christ, doth tie
us to observe the whole religion which he requires, who did ap-
point that rite. And you may Ukewise observe, that there
being a mutual action in this sacrament, of God's giving some-
thing, and our taking, it doth express that we are fiist bound
in that covenant, of which this action is a part. So the giving
and taking but of so small a thing as a straw, doth bind per-
sons firmly to that thing whereof they are agreed, and which
they conclude in that manner. Stipulation (one of the strongest
120
Me am Mystica : or,
words which we have to signify the confirmation of a bargain)
was anciently made by no stronger thing, as the very word
doth import, which carries a straw in its name'. And so any
other tiling in the world may bo used to the same purpose.
The giving and taking of sixpence to strike up a contract, doth
lay as fast hold of a man as ten thousand pound in hand.
Much more then, this solemn giving and taking of bread and
wine, being a piece of Christ's rehgion, and he so represented
by tliem, doth bind us as fast to him, as if we should repeat
every word that he hath said, and profess our consent unto it.
We are supposed to know the terms of that writing that Christ
hath left us, containing our duty and his promises ; and it is
presumed we are wilhng to enjoy those promises, and so to per-
form those duties. This action then doth but more solemnly
conclude the agi'eement, and we hereby stand engaged as
strongly as if covenants had been drawn between us, and our
hand and seal were affixed to them.
II. But then if we considsr this action as a coming to God's
table and partaking of his meat, Ave shall presently discern that
thereby we profess ourselves of his family, and declare to all
that we are his followers and retainers, and that we own the
rehgion of the crucified Jesus. I confess that coming to Christ-
ian assemblies in the first times was an owning of Christ, be-
cause it was very dangerous ; but this action which was in
those assemblies performed was a more express profession of
their behef in him and friendship with him. For the great
stumbiiagblock of the Jews was the cross of Christ ; and it
was foolishness to the Gentiles. To declare, therefore, this
death and cross of his, to eat of his dead body, and drink of
his blood was as much as to say, " I believe in this suffering
Saviour ; I am a Christian, and will live and cbe in this reli-
gion." A stranger may come unto a man's house, but the
friends only are they that sit with liim at his board ; and he
that is not true to him of Avhose bread he eats is the worst
and basest of all enemies. The Psalmist could put no worse
character upon an enemy than thisi, that he who put
* [In deciding the doubtful ety- from the stipula or 'straw' held in
raology of the word stipulatio John- their hands by the contractinjr par-
son and Richardson follow Voss ties to represent the whole land
( Ktyniol. Lat.) in adojjting the deri- subject to the bargain.]
ration of it by Isidore of Seville " Ps. xli. 9.
(Orig. hb.v.caj). 24.tom.iii. p. 204),
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
121
forth his hand to eat of his bread had lifted up his heel
against him. By coining then to God's table we profess oiu'-
selves liis familiar friends, in whom he reposes a trust ; and wc
can put no greater scorn upon him than by being false to him
that doth admit us to such a nearness. You may observe
therefore in Scripture these two things : first, that eating of
bread together is spoken of as a token of fi'iendship and agree-
ment, as these two places, among others, will satisfy you. Job
xhi. 1 1, Jer. xh. i. Bread is never wanting at any feast ; and
so they expressed by it a friendly entertainment. Whence
Pythagoras gave this lesson to his scholars, apTov fxi] Kara-
yvv^Lv^, ' Do not break bread,' i. e. Ne dirimas amicitiam,
' never break friendship,' but let it remain inviolable. And so
hkewise, salt being never absent from any meal, and placed
upon the table, it hath been used as a symbol of friendship ;
and to have eaten salt with a man, at this day, is proverbially
as much as to be well acquainted with him : which was a word
as usual in ancient times among other people ; according to
that speech of Aristotle", " We cannot know one another till,
according to the proverb, we have eaten a quantity of salt
together." The Turks y, at this day, join both together ; and
to say, " I have eaten bread and salt with such an one," is an
expression of having good acquaintance with him. All which I
but briefly touch upon to make it more sensible to us, that this
participation of God's bread is a token that we are of his ac-
quaintance, and we tell the world thereby, that we profess all
love and friendship to him.
The second thing I would have noted is, that covenants (in
Scripture story) are made by eating and drinking together.
For which 1 need produce no other places but those in Gen.
xxvi. 30, xxxi. 44. 54, where Isaac and Abimelech, Jacob and
Laban, conclude their compacts with a feast. But you may
add (if you please) that in Josh. ix. 14, where it is said. The
V [Diog. Laert. in Vita Pythag. bal)ly from memory, has committed
lilj. viii. cap. I. § 35.] an inaccuracy in his reference for
" Kara rrju ivapoijxiav yap ovk this proverl)ial usage of the eastern
i'<TTtv flBrjdai dXXijXour, nplv Toiis nations generally. No such ])assage
Xfyo/j<VoDr (iXns (TwuvaXSytrai. — is to he found in the life of Mahomet
Aristot. 1. 8. Ethic, caj). 3. [§ 8.] the First in tlic History of the Tiu-ks
>■ Knolles in the life of Maho- by Sir F. Knollys, continued hy Sir
met I. [The author, quoting pro- Paul Rycaut.]
122
Mensa Mystica : or,
people took of the victuals of the Oibeonites, and asked not
counsel at the mouth of the Lord, i. e. they made a covenant
with them before they consulted with the holy oracle whether
they were what they pretended to be ; for so some good inter-
preters, both Jewish and Cliristian, expound the words, because
else we cannot understand why it should be a crime to taste
whether their bread was so dry as they said (as othei's think
the meaning is), without going to inquire of God the lawful-
ness of such a fact. It is very hkely also that from this origi-
nal that phrase is derived, of a ' covenant of salt,' which in
Scripture-style signifies an everlasting and unalterable settle-
ment ^ ; because such leagues which are made with the profes-
sion of the greatest friendship (as if men were cohabitants and
familiars) ought to be held most sacred, and religiously ob-
served. Now this bread and wine in the sacrament is God's,
both as it is offered by us unto him, and as it is consecrated to
represent his Son Christ unto us ; and therefore we, by par-
taking of it, do solemnly engage ourselves unto, and promise
our fidehty in his service, as those that are his domestics, and
desire always to remain in his familiarity. But suppose any
person should give us his very blood to drink, that we might
the more firmly be obliged to him : what could there be de-
vised more strong to tie our hearts together ? So the conspi-
rators with Catiline did combine and join themselves together
by drinking of their own blood, that they might be bound in a
covenant exceeding the strength of all others which are made
by eating of common food. And so doth Christ take us into
his society, and bind us to him, by giving us the representa-
tions of his own flesh and blood to eat and drink, that so we
might never think of departing from him who hath admitted
us to that food, which is as much beyond all others in its obli-
gatory virtue, as it is in its own proper worth and excellency.
And that you may see it more fully verified that this eating
and drinking is a federal rite between God and us, let it be
considered,
III. As a feast upon a sacrifice (in which notion it is most
rarely explained by an excellent doctor of our own^); from
z Numb, xviii. 19. 2 Chron. course concerning the true notion
xiii. 5. of the Lord's Supper,' cited above,
a D. Cudworth. [in his ' Dis- p. 92.]
A
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
123
whirli it will evidently appear to be intended as a solemn j))'ofes-
sion of Christ's religion, and a renewal of our covenant with God.
For the understanding of this, you must know, that Jerusa-
lem being the holy city in God's land, and the temple being
the house of God, where he dwelt, and the priests God's ser-
vants, and the altar his table (as was said before) ; there was
a constant provision brought in for the keeping of God's house,
and maintaining of his servants. And besides those of the
morning and evening, there Avere a great number of occasional
sacrifices (which were his flesh) together with their meat and
drink offerings (which were his bread and wine) that came in
to be his food, as the expression is, Levit. iii. i r . These com-
mon sacrifices were of three sorts. The first were holocausts
or burnt offerings, so called because they were consumed
wholly upon God's altar by his fire", (which at first came from
heaven, and was never to go out,) none eating of them but
himself. The second we may call Expiatory, because they
were to make atonement and reconcile ; which were of two
sorts, sin-offerings and trespass-offering. These the priests did
eat of, (if they were not such whose blood was carried within
the holy place,) as you may read in Levit. vii. 7, 9: Numb, xviii.
9, 10. For they, being God's servants, were to be maintained
and kept in his family, and beside hereby did take the man's
guilt (as it were) and carry it away'' : but none else were per-
mitted to eat of it, being supposed to be in a state of guilt, and
not fit to have familiarity with God. The third sort were
peace-offerings, which were made to God for some benefits re-
ceived (which go among the Hebrews under the name of
peace), to testify their gratitude unto hiin. The fiit of these
offerings being burnt upon the altar to God^, and one breast
with a shoulder being given to the priest for his portion^, the
remainders were the owner's share, that he might eat of God's
meat, and so feast with him (if he Avas not in any legal unclcan-
ness), as you may see Lev. vii. 20.
The examples of such sacrifices are numerous in the Scrip-
ture, not here to be amassed together and wrapt up in these
sheets. It may suflice to note two places which lie close toge-
Ps. Ixxxv. I. J Kings vi. i.
Ps. cxxxv. I, 2.
<^ Lev. i. 9, 13.
Lev. vi. 25, 26.
Lev. iii. 3, 4.
f Lev. vii. 34.
124
Mensa Mystica : or,
ther : they were sacrifices of this sort that Elkanah offered
when he went yearly unto Shiloh, giving portions (viz. of the
sacrifice) to liis whole family that went with him, but to Han-
nah a double portion s.
Those offerings, likewise, which the sons of Eh made men to
abhor were of the same kind^^, and theu* sin consisted in these
two enormities : first, that they were not content with that
portion which was assigned them by law (viz. the breast and
shoulder), but they took what and as much as they list'. And,
secondly, that they took their portion before God had his, i. e.
before the fat was burnt upon the altar), a rudeness which the
Gentiles would not have been guilty of, except some belly-gods
and atheistical gluttons. For when they woidd set forth the
intemperance of such a man, they could say no worse than
tliis, Hand immolata sacra devorat^; he devoui*s the sacri-
fices before they be offered to God. This I mention, because
they were not strangers to tliis kind of sacrifice (no more than
to the rest), but did offer them frequently to their gods. You
may take one example out of a multitude which expresses both
this custom of eating part of the sacrifices, and likewise their
forbearance to take any part tiU God had his. " The Egj-ptians,"
saith Herodotus^, " while the sacrifices were burning, did beat
and knock themselves ; and after they had done so, then they
made a feast of the rehcs of the sacrifice." We may learn thus
much, by the way, of these heathens, that God is to be served
before om'selves, and there is no true joy but that which arises
out of true sorrow.
!Jsow that this eating and drinking was intended as a rite
of covenanting with that deity to whom the sacrifices were
offered, or else as a profession that they were in the covenant,
and did remain God's friends (if they were already of the reh-
gion), you may discern from these two places, which wiU lead
me to that for which all this is said. When Moses had re-
hearsed to the people Gods laws'", which he gave on Mount
Sinai, and then came to strike the covenant between God and
e I Sam. i. 4, 5. ' In Euterpe. — Kaw^iivaiv twv
^ I Sam. ii. 17. Upwv, TxmToinai iravTes' eireav df
' \ erse 13. dnorinlfcovrai, dalra npoTidevrai ra
j Verses 15, 16. eXiTroiTo twv Upwi'. [lib. ii. cap.
[Prov. Lat. teste Hoffman, in .40.]
Lc.\ic. sub. voc. ' Victima.'] ™ E.\od. xx-xxiii.
A Discourse of the Lord's Sujyjier.
125
Israel, it is said", that Moses sent young men (i. e. some of the
first born, who were the priests hitherto) to offer burnt-offer-
ings and peace-offerings of oxen, and half of the blood he
sprinkled on the altar, which represented God, and the other
half he sprinkled on the people ° as a token of the covenant
between them. But for completing of the compact, the chief
of the people went up nearer to God, and saw that bright ap-
pearance, and did eat and drink P ; which sure must be under-
stood of their feasting upon the peace-offerings which had
been sacrificed unto God, whereby they professed to own that
covenant he had given to them.
Not long after, this people made to themselves other gods,
and offered not only burnt-offerings but also peace-offerings to
them, and then sat down to eat and drink, and rose Uj:) to
play^, i. e. to be wanton, and commit uncleanness with each
other. Now that this was an associatino; of themselves with
the Egyptian gods, we may learn from the apostle, who, recit-
ing of this passage, and speaking of their idolatry, makes no
mention at all of their sacrificing to these new gods, but only
of this eating, &c. which did conclude the ceremony ; as if the
idolatry did formally consist in this, and that hereby they did
devote themselves to that strange worship. Neither be you idol-
aters, (saith he, i Cor. x. 7.) as ivere some of them; as it is
written, The jnople sat down to eat and to drink, and rose
up to play. By which words you may see the apostle makes
account, that this eating and drinking of the sacrifices was a
renouncing of the covenant of their God, and joining of them-
selves to idols. Now because it was the manner (as it seems)
of some of the Corinthians still to feast in the idols' temples,
and perhaps in the temple of Venus, famous in that city, which
makes the apostle add those words. Neither commit fornica-
tion, as some feC" he tells them that this was a plain forsaking
of Christ, and utterly incompatible with his profession. For
the vouching of which assertion, he reminds them what the
sacrament of the supper of the Lord doth import, viz. a Kotv(a-
viav, ' participation or communion ' of the body and blood of
Christ S which is as much as to say, it is a profession that we
" Exod. xxiv. 5.
° Ver. 6-8.
V Ver. II.
1 Exod. ,\xxii. 6.
>• Ver. 8.
Ver. 16, 17.
126
Mensa Mi/stica : or,
as one body, partaking of one bread, do hold communion with
Christ, and adhere unto lilm as our Lord and Head, and that
to his worship and service we do consecrate ourselves. For
just as Israel by eating of the sacrifices partake of (or have
communion with) the altar i. e. profess to be of that religion,
and adhere to that way of worship ; so it is with Christians,
when they eat of the body and blood of the crucified Saviour
which was offered for us. And therefore by a likeness of
reason he concludes, that to partake of the table of devils, and
eat of things sacrificed to them, was to profess to have com-
munion with those impure spirits, and thereby to desecrate
themselves ; it being impossible for them at once to be devoted
to things so quite contrary as Christ and the devil*.
From all which discourse we may thus reason, that this holy
sacrament is a feast upon the sacrifice which Christ offered, as
the Jewish feasts were made with the flesh of those sacrifices
which they offered to God. For the apostle makes the com-
munion of the body and blood of Christ, ver. i6, parallel to
eating of the sacrifices, ver. 18. And therefore it is a rite
whereby we solemnly addict ourselves to the service and wor-
ship of Christ, and take upon ourselves strict engagements to
be faithful in that covenant that is between us ; which is the
thing that was to be proved. As Israel joined themselves to
God by feasting in his house of the sacrifices, so we join our-
selves to Christ by feasting in the place of his worship, and at
his table, upon the remembrances of his body and blood. And
our obligations to cleave unto him do as much excel all other
ties in their sacredness, strength, and virtue, as the sacrifice
of Christ excels the sacrifice of a beast, or the eating- and
drinking of his body and blood is beyond all participation of
the meat of the ancient altars. Yea, it is supposed that we are
the friends of God before we come hither, and that we are not
in any willing uncleanness (else we should be shut out from
partaking of this offering). And therefore our approach to his
table is but more strongly to tie the knot, and to bind us in
deeper promises to continue friendship with him.
If more can be said than this, I may add, that the eating of
tlois sacrifice is a solemn oath that we will be true and loyal
^ Ver. 18.
* Ver. 20, 21.
A Discourse of (he Lord's Supper.
127
to him. For even heathens themselves did use hy sacrifice to
bind themselves in oaths". From whence it is that opKiov sig-
nifies that sacrifice which was slain when they made a covenant,
and (in regard of its relation to opKos) may be rendered ' the
oath-sacrifice.' And opKia rip-veiv, ' to cut this sacrifice ' (in
Homer's phrase), is to make a covenant, which it is likely may
be taken from the Hebrew custom mentioned Jer. xxxiv. i8.
And to swear em Toixmv, ' upon the warm entrails of the beast,'
was the greatest oath that could be made. When we lay our
hands therefore upon the body of Christ that was sacrificed for
us (and much more when we eat of it), we do solemnly take
our oaths that we will be his faithful federates, and rather die
than shrink from those duties to which we bind ourselves.
IV. If there be any that look upon eating and drinking of
this bread and wine only as symbols of believing in Jesus
Christ, the matter draws to the same point; for faith is the
condition of the covenant of grace, and comprehends in its
signification all that God r'equires. So some of the ancients
expound those words, John vi, He that eateth mxj flesh, and
drinketh my blood, hath eternal life^, to signify thus much ;
He that is made partaker of my wisdom, through my incarna-
tion and sensible hfe among men, shall be saved. For flesh
and blood (saith Basil >) he calls iraaav avTov ti]v fxva-riKriv iiri-
brjiMiuv, . . Koi TTjv bibaaKakiav, ' all the mystery of his incarna-
tion and conversation here in the flesh amongst us,' ' together
with his doctrine which he hath taught us,' 8t' rpecfxrai
^j/vxV' ' by which the soul is nourished,' and fitted for the
sight of celestial things ; and therefore eating and drinking of
these must denote embracing of his whole religion, so as to be
conformed to him and to his doctrine. If then we take the body
and blood of Christ in this supper represented to us to signify
the same, and eating and drinking to be only believing, yet
you may easily see to how much we are engaged if we do
really beheve.
But it is manifest to rac, that eating and drinking here must
comprehend more than it doth in St. John ; for else we shall
" 'Atop KTjpvKts dyavoi " Ver. 54.
'OpKia mara 0(a>v rrvvayov, KprjrrjpL V Epist. 14 1, ad Csesar. [al. epist.
fie oivov viii. torn. iii. p. 84 A.]
Mlayov. — Horn. [Iliad. r'.268.]
128
Mensa Mystica : or,
do nothing at the Lord's supper but what we might do at any
other time as well. If it be only believing and mere spiritual
eating that here is exercised, then we may feed so without this
food. And when Christ commands so frequently, Do this in
remembrance of me, it would be no more sense than if he had
said, " Do this, which yet you may do without doing this."
This eating and drinking therefore must be a profession of
our faith ; a covenanting solemnly with God, and a receiving
and giving of those pledges of love which we cannot have any
where else.
V. And indeed the old Christians did so sacredly bind them-
selves hereby to their Saviour, that heathens Avere ready to
suspect them of dangerous combinations, and such conspiracies
as might prove mischievous to the commonwealth. From which
imputation whilst Phny doth acquit them, he hkewise instructs
us for what end they met together at this feast. " They as-
semble themselves," saith he in a letter to Trajan the emperor
" before day-break, and sing a hymn to Christ as if he were
God, and then they do sacramento se ohstringere, ' bind them-
selves with a sacrament or oath,' " not that they will do mischief
to any, but " that they will not rob or steal, nor commit adul-
tery, nor falsify their words, nor deny their trust, &c. And
then, after they have eat together, they depart to their own
homes." Of more than this they protested to him he should
never find them guilty. And this was the crime of Christians
in those first ages, to engage themselves to commit no crime;
which they bound themselves unto by this saci-ament of Christ's
body and blood.
The Greek Christians at this day, when they take the bread
or cup into their hands, make this profession : " Lord, I will
not give thee a kiss Hke Judas, but I do confess unto thee like
the poor thief, and beseech thee to remember me when thy
kingdom comes If we do touch the body of Christ with
traitorous lips, and embrace him with a false heart, we stain
our souls with the guilt of that blood which can only wash
them from all their other sins. And therefore we must come
unfeignedly to bewail our neglects, and to settle our former
resolutions of strict obedience. It is grown even to a proverb
z L. X. Epist. 97.
a Christoph. Angelas, Rit. Eccles. Graec. [cap. 23. p. 348.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper. 129
(as Joseph Acosta'* relates) among the poor Indians who have
entertained the faith, that Qui eucharistiam semel susceperit,
nullum amplius crimen debet committere, ' he must never be
guilty more of any crime who hath once received the eucha-
rist.' And if they chance to commit any, they bewail it with
such a sorrow and compunction, that (he saith) he hath not
found such faith, no, not in Israel. But it would be very sad
if we should be sent to school as far as India. There are, I
make no doubt, many pious souls among ourselves, that look
upon it as a blessed opportunity to knit their hearts in greater
love to God, and that are more afflicted for an evil thought
after such engagements than other are for a base and un-
worthy action.
Whensoever therefore we come to celebrate the memory of
Christ's death in this manner, we must remember with our-
selves that we are assembled for to renew our baptismal vow
and league, and in the devoutest manner to addict ourselves to
a more constant love and service of the Lord Jesus. We must
look upon this feast to which we are admitted as a disclaiming
of all enmity to him, and a profession of our continuing a
hearty friendship, so as never to do any hostile act against
him. And thence indeed it is called a sacrament (according
to Tertullian<= and others with him) ; because we here take
an oath to continue Christ's faithful soldiers, and never to do
any thing against his crown and dignity as long as there re-
mains any breath in our bodies. We do repeat our oath of
allegiance, and swear fealty again to him, or (as we ordinarily
speak) we " take the sacrament upon it," that we will be
Christ's faithful servants and soldiers, against the devil, world,
and flesh, and never fly from his service.
Every act of sin then after such promises, is not only treason,
but perjury ; not only the breaking of our faith, but of our
oath ; yea, not only the violation of a simple oath, but of oath
upon oath; which we ought more to dread than we do to
break our bones.
We esteem it an impiety of a high nature, for a minister to
give a cup of poison into a man's hand instead of the blood of
De procur. Ind. salut. lib. vi. vivi, jam turn cum in sacramenti
[cap. 9. p. 544.] verba respondiraus. — TertuU. ad
c [Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei Mart. cap. 3. p. 138 A.]
PATRICK, VOL. I. K
130
Mensa Mystica : or,
Christ ; and we do deservedly abhor that priest who poisoned
pope Victor tlie Third with the sacrament ; and him that poi-
soned Henry the Seventh emperor, turning (as Nauclerus his
phrase is«) " the cup of life into the cup of death." But
whilst our hearts swell in indignation at such a crime, let us
consider with ourselves what a treasonable act it is to poison
our souls with om- own hands, and by a base treachery to God
to swallow down cm-ses and woes into ourselves. Better were
it for us to be choked with the bread of life, or to feel the
venom of asps boiling in our veins after the holy cup, than to
take an oath which we take small care to keep ; than to go on
in a course of sin, after such sacred professions of our duty and
service unto Christ. We are amazed to hear that men can
touch the Gospels before a magistrate, and kiss the book, or lift
up their hand to heaven, and yet make good never a word
that they swear. We are apt to think, that either these men
have no souls, or that they do not value them at the price of a
rotten nut. 0 let our very flesh then tremble to think that we
should lay our hand upon the body of Christ, and take it into
our very mouths, and solemnly swear unto him, and yet not be
faithful in his covenant, nor heartily endeavour to perform our
promises unto him. For there is no forsworn person hath such
a black soul, as he whose soul is fouled even by the blood of
Christ himself, which washes the souls of othei'^. The world
cannot but shrink at the thoughts of that fearful act of one of
the popes, who making a league with Caesar and the French
king, divided the bread of the sacrament into three parts, with
this saying (scarce tolerable) : "As the holy Trinity is but one
God, so let the union endure between us three confederates
and yet he was the first that broke it, and started from the
agreement. Far be it from us then after tliis action wherein
we join ourselves to God, and unite our hearts to fear his name,
and become as it were one with him, to rescind our covenants,
or stand again at terms of defiance. But let us have a care to
observe this vow far more rehgiously than we do an oath to
any mortal man, which yet no person of credit and conscience
woidd break for all the world.
<i [Naucler. in Chron. Gen. 37. e Venenum sub specie sacramenti
fol. 164 a. ex Martino Polono in dedit, vertens calicem vitae in calicem
A.D. 1087.] mortis. [Chron. Gen.44. fol. 246a.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
131
A PRAYER.
I acknowledge with all thankfulness, O Lord of heaven and earth,
that as I ana thine by having received my being from thee, so I was
early devoted and engaged to thee in a solemn covenant ; by which I
stand bound to do thee all faithful service.
I have too much neglected it, I confess, and have presumed to
dispose of myself according to ray own will and pleasure ; when I
ought to have had no other thoughts but what would be pleasing
unto Thee.
And yet, such is thy goodness, thou art not willing to let me be
undone by following the devices and desires of my own heart ; but
invitest me to come and renew my covenant with thee ; and, sorrow-
fully bewailing what is past, to resolve to be more firm and steadfast
in my duty for the time to come.
That is the desire of my soul, O Lord, which thou (blessed be thy
name for it) hast wrought in me. Which encourages me to hope,
that thou wilt make me so sensible of my obligations to thee, when I
commemorate the dying love of our Saviour for me, that I shall
never hereafter start from thee ; who tiest me unto thee in the
strictest bonds of love and friendship, and layest such obligations
upon me as infinitely excel all others that I can receive from any in
this world.
For thou hast already given thy blessed Son to be a sacrifice for
me ; and now thou invitest me to partake of that sacrifice, and to
feast upon his body and blood ; that Christ may dwell in me and I
in him; that he may be one with me and I with him.
O how great, how precious is this grace, which thou vouchsafest
to me ! How freely ought 1 to give myself to him, to be his entirely.
How careful ought I to be, never to revolt from him ! but to keep
my faith with him, and abide in his love, by continuing firm and un-
moveable in his obedience.
Far be it from me to do any thing contrary to my holy religion ;
and to those sacred bonds that are upon me, and wherein I am going
to engage myself again, as I ought to do, with the most forward af-
fection and devotion to him.
For what greater happiness can be conceived, than to be a friend
of God, a confederate with Christ; an habitation of the Holy Ghost;
and to be bound by living in perfect agreement with his holy will
here, to live with him in endless love in the other world.
For which I beseech thee to prepare me by holy communion with
K a
Mensa Mystica : or,
thee at present, and at last to translate me, according to thy gracious
covenant with us, into thy heavenly kingdom, through Christ Jesus
our Lord. To whom, &c.
CHAP. IV.
It is further here considered as a sign and seal of remission
of sin. Which is cleared in three considerations : First,
from the express words of our Saviour in the institution of
this sacrament. Secondly, from tJie solemn act of charity
and forgiveness ivhich here we are bound to exercise. But
especially {thirdly) from this ; that we eat of the sin-offer-
ing, and of that which was not made for one, hut for many,
i. e. the whole congregation. How the sacrament is a seal of
the covenant of grace. And what assurance may he at-
tained of our being pardoned.
To all those that are thus faithfully in covenant with him,
this sacrament is a further sign and seal of remission of sin.
For the law of covenants doth require, that where one party-
doth profess friendship, and engage to fidehty, the other person
in the agreement should make assurance of his love, and con-
firm his promises. And therefore when we come with hearts
full of love to renew our friendship with God, we may beheve
that he doth embrace us also with the dearest affection, and
giveth us greater testimonies that he hath cancelled all the
bonds wherein we stood indebted to him : bonds able to break
the whole world, if payment were exacted ; debts which all
men and angels cannot possibly discharge ; which yet he is so
willing to acquit us of, that he hath appointed this holy action
for that end, that we may have more pledges for his love, and
more assurances that we are not bound over to eternal punish-
ment. Well may we run into the arms of Christ where we
expect to receive such favours. It is no wonder if we be for-
ward to tie ourselves fast to God (as I said in the last chapter)^
when he binds himself as fast to us. We need not stand so
much upon it to promise even to die for him, when it is but the
way to life. We may be glad to lie in the wounds of Christ,
when we find a cure there for our sins. A crucified Saviour
should be most dear unto us, and we should most joyfully kiss
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper. 133
his cross ; seeing we hope thereby to have our iniquities crossed
out, and stand no longer upon our account.
Methinks all that hear of such a covenant of grace should be
desirous to enter into it (and so they wovdd if they had not as
trifling conceits of the evil of sin as they have of the worth of
their souls). And all that are in that covenant should be glad
of an opportunity to reiterate it, that they may have stronger
grounds whereon to hope for pardon. And it is to be acknow-
ledged to the singular mercy of God, that we can never come
to profess any love to him, but he •will return back a great
deal more to us ; and that when we give thanks to him, he will
give us more cause to thank him.
Now for the full clearing of this thing, I shall propound but
these three considerations :
I. That our Saviour in the institution of this sacrament doth
tell us what was a great end of it, when he saith, This cup is
the new testament in my bhod^ ; or. This is my blood of the
new testament, which is shed for many for the remission of
sinss. In which speech you must note, that the word this doth
stand for the action of giving and receiving, not for that which
is given and received in and by it ; for the cup or the blood
cannot be a testament or covenant, but the giving and receiving
of the cup or blood is ; and therefore by This is the new testa-
ment, &c. must be meant, This action is a covenant between
you and me, made in the blood of the Lamb for the forgiveness
of your sins.
The doing of this doth necessarily presuppose a covenant of
grace which God hath made, and which we own in Christ's
blood ; but besides, it doth import a profession (both on God's
part, and on ours who do receive) of performing and making
good that which we are respectively bound unto ; so that God
doth there tender all that which he promiseth in the gospel,
and we by receiving do bind ourselves (as you have seen) to all
the gospel commands. Now this is the great thing which God
promiseth in his covenant, / will be merciful to their unright-
eousness ; and tlieir sins and their iniquities will I remember
no more^.
This action therefore is appointed by him, not only to be a
^ Luke xxii. 20. s Matth. xxvi. 28.
[Hebr. viii. 12, x. 17 ; Jer. xxxi. 34.]
134
Mensa Mystica : or,
symbol of his sufferings which did ratify the covenant of for-
giveness, but to be an exhibition of himself, for to put us in
possession of the great thing purchased by his blood, which
was pardon to all penitent sinners.
The blood of the paschal lamb (as St. Chrysostom observes
was shed ds amTrjpCav tQv TTp(»T0T6Kcav, ' for the saving of the
first-born' of Israel, but Christ's blood (who is our Passover)
was shed for the remission of the sin Tyjs olKovtiivr]s TTAa-rji, * of
the whole world.' Now though the shedding of the blood, and
sprinkUng of it on the door-posts, were the cause of the deli-
verance ; yet their eating of the lamb was that which did en-
title them to it, and gave them a right to that salvation. So
though the blood of Jesus shed upon the tree be that which
procures the pardon, and be the price of our redemption ; yet
that remission is solemnly exhibited and given unto us, or (as
we speak) applied to our persons, by the eating of this bread,
and drinking of this cup, which are as effectual as a deed or
instrument for the conveying of this mercy unto us. We may
see this well explained to our hands by an ancient author.
" The sacrament," saith Bernard', " is a sacred sign or secret,
as may be illustrated by a common example. If I give a ring
to a friend, it hath no other significancy but that I love him ;
but if I give him a ring ad investiendum de hcereditate aliqua,
' thereby to invest him in the right of some inheritance,' then
it is both a ring and a sign also." In like manner, though
bread and wine set before us do denote nothing more than the
kindness of a friend that would refresh us ; yet given and
taken as a rehgious rite, and in token of a covenant, they are
turned into another thing, and are both bread and wine, and
likewise the instrument of a conveyance. And this is the
change which the ancients mention of the bread and wine into
the body and blood of Christ : a change, not in the substance,
but in the accidents ; not in their nature, but in their use ; not
in any natural quaUty, but in their significancy, apphcation,
and divine efficacy. As when the wax is imprinted and made a
seal, or silver stamped and made a coin, they remain the same
in substance, and yet are changed in regard of their use and
value also ; so it is with the bread and wine when they are
*i In Matth. xxvi. [Horn. Ixxxii. § i. torn. vii. p. 782 E.
' Seim. de Ccena. [vol. i. col. 890 E.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
135
offered unto God, and delivered by him again to us, and re-
ceived as a representation of the Lord Jesus : they continue
what they were, if we look only at their matter ; but are
changed by God's appointment into divine things, if we respect
the end to which they are applied, which is to make over to us
the blessing of the covenant, viz. remission of sins.
This is all that Theodoret"* means by his jxeTdhka^is or
* transmutation,' and Cyril ' by his jxerafioXr}, ' change of one
thing into another;' and Nyssen*" by his iJLiTa-noLrjais, 'trans-
lation;' or Theophylact" by his great word fxeraoroixeiwo-t?,
* transelementation.' For that this last word doth not amount
to a change of one substance into another, we may be clearly
satisfied from himself; who, as he saith, the bread is ' trans-
elementated into Christ's body ;' so likewise affirms that we
are ' transelementated into Christ".' Now as by this latter
expression he can intend no more but our mystical incorpo-
ration with him, so by the former nothing else is to be under-
stood but the conversion of the bread to another use, so that
in effect it is made the body of Christ.
In short, he that hath the picture of a king in his chamber
hath but a bare sign which may make him think of him, and
no more : but he that hath the king's great seal, which con-
firms him in the possession of all the land he enjoys, hath his
picture and sometliing else that comes along with it, which
instates him in a real good. And though the wax aflSxed to
the writing be the same for substance with that which is in a
man's shop, yet for virtue (as it is made use of) it is much dif-
ferent, and far better than all the wax that a whole country
can afford. Even so it is in this case before us ; bread broken,
and wine poured out, are but bare signs of Christ's sufferings,
if we consider them nakedly in themselves : but if we look on
them as a federal rite, and as they are given to us, and eaten
and drunken by us in remembrance of the death of Christ, so
they are seals and further confirmations of God's great love
k [Dial. i. torn. iv. p. 26 ; dial. ii. Johan. vi. p. 654 A. On these and
p. 126.] similar passages, and the use made
' [Catech. xxii. Mystag. iv. cap. 2. of them by Bellarmine, De Euchar.
p. 320.] lib. ii. cap. 13, see the observa-
[Oral. Catech. cap. 37. torn. iii. tions of Cosin, Hist, of T:an-
p. 102.] subst. cap. 6. p. 209.]
" [In Luc. xxiv. p. 544 B. el in ° Els Xpiarov ^leTaoTOixttovaOai.
136
Mema Mystica : or.
towards us. And though they are still the same for substance
with the most common bread and wine which we use at our
meals, yet in regard of the use to which now they are con-
verted, they become sacred and of great virtue to convey unto
us the things expressed in the covenant, which are of more
worth than all the world.
II. It is further manifest that we are hereby confirmed in
the state of pardon and forgiveness, because we do here put
forth the most solemn act of charity and forgiveness to all our
enemies. For it is a feast of love (as you shall see afterwards),
and this is the very condition upon wliich our forgiveness
depends, that we forgive others p ; and therefore when we here
pray for all men, and put away all enmity out of our hearts,
never to return any more, God is engaged to express himself
to us as a friend, and to let fall all differences that have been be-
tween him and us. I know that we are never to harbour any
hatred in our hearts, and that we cannot pray successfully at any
time, unless we hft up pure hands without wrath ; and I like-
wise wish the doctrines of love were most frequently and se-
verely pressed and practised ; but yet there is no time when
we do more narrowly search ourselves to find out the relics of
that sour leaven, and when we are more powerfully moved to
extinguish even the least sparks or seeds of fire that are in our
souls, than when we consider Christ's death, and remember
how he prayed for his enemies upon the cross. And therefore
I conceive that upon this account the sacrament of Christ's
body and blood may be a means of assuring our pardon, and
strengthening of our title to forgiveness. But notwithstanding
I consider with myself, that this duty of pardoning others is
not so peculiar to this sacrament, but that it may and must be
done (as I said) at all other times ; and for that cause I shall
pass it by, and proceed to that which I would have most of all
observed for the understanding of this part of my discourse,
and that is this :
III. This eating and drinking is a feast upon a sin-offering,
and therefore is a greater pledge of remission of sin. That
you may conceive of this aright, it must be remembered, that
though the people of Israel used to feast upon their peace-
P Matth. vi. 14, 15.
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper. 137
offerings which were made at the altar (as hath been said
already), yet they were not Emitted to eat of any else. The
whole burnt-offerings indeed had peace-offerings attending
alway upon them ; and so they did partake of the altar, when
they were offered, by eating of the latter ; but of the former
none tasted but God himself. The offerings for sin (as you
have seen) were the portion of the priests, and the people were
excluded from them, unless you will say that they eat by them
as their substitutes and mediators : but now you must further
note, that though the priests were to eat of the sin-offering for
particular persons, yet of the sacrifice made for the sin of the
whole congregation, whose blood was carried into the holy
place, the priests themselves might not eat (and so consequently
not the people by them), but they were to burn its flesh with-
out the camp. And whether it were upon the day of general
atonements, or at any other time when the whole congregation
had committed a sin through ignorance f, that an offering was
to be made for them ; they were not permitted to have the
least share of it. Now Christ made his soul an offering for
sin^, and such an offering, that with his blood he entered into
the holy place, and suffered without the camp, and therefore
was most illustriously set forth by that sacrifice, which was for
the whole congregation. According then to the law, none was
to feed upon the sacrifice ; and yet our Lord hath indulged
unto us the privilege of feasting upon this great sacrifice of
propitiation ; according as the very words of the institution of
this sacrament do intimate, when our Saviour saith, This is the
blood of tJie New Testament which is shed for many^, i. e.
which is like to the sacrifice on the great day of atonement,
which was not made for one person, but for the whole congre-
gation; and of this I give you leave to drink. This was a
favour never granted to the world before ; and besides what
the law of Moses speaks^ it is remarkable what is delivered by
Porphyry, as the sense of all the heathen divines in the world,
Tl&vm ev rovrw (^ixoXoyrjcrav o'l deoXoyoi, (as ovre aTTriov kv tois
dTTOT-poTraiois OvaiaLs rcav Ovofj-ivuiv ^ ' ' All divines consent in this,
that it is not lawful to touch so much as a bit of those sacrifices
which are for the averting of wrath.' Though it was never
1 Lev. xvi. 27. s iga. \\\\^ jq. t Mark xiv. 24.
lb. iv. 1.3, 21. vi. 30. " L. 2. nipl dnox- [§ 44 ]
138
Mensa Mystica : or,
lawful (you know) to eat the blood of any sacrifice, whether
peace-offering or other (but it was to be poured out at the
altar) ; and though the flesh of those that were offered for sin
by the laws of all people were not to be tasted, yet we may
drink the blood of the sacrifice, yea of this great sacrifice for
all the people, and we may eat the flesh of it by the command
of om" Saviour. Tliis thing sure must contain in it some great
mystery : for the apostle seems to take notice of it, when he
saith, We have an altar ivhereof they have no right to eat
which serve the tabernacle^, &c. Altar in this place is by a
metomTny put for a sacrifice, and the same sense of the apo-
stle's discourse in that and the foUowino- verses is this : " Go
out of the synagogue, and never meddle with the Jewish reh-
gion, though you may endiu'e persecution by them as Christ
did ; for you enjoy this special privilege, of eating of the sacri-
fice of Christ which was made for sin without the gate, and
whose blood was carried into the holy place ; a thing which no
Jew could ever have any right unto, in those sin-offerings that
were made among them." The true intent of this grant which
Christ hath made us, contrary to the manner of all the world,
may be to shew our union with his sacrifice, and that the
righteousness of it is as truly imputed to us as if we could
have made satisfaction ourselves. And (as the apostle saith,
Acts xiii. 39.) it shews that we are justified by him from all
those things tchich we could not be justified from by the law of
Moses. This difference therefore is remarkable between the
legal sacrifices and tliis representation of Christ's sacrifice : in
them was made avaiivria-L's a^apTiav, 'a commemoration of sin'
every year^ ; they were a plain confession of sin that it re-
mained still in force, and that they could not take it away, else
they needed not to have been repeated ; and so St. Chry-
sostomX saith very elegantly, " The legal sacrifices were rather
accusations than expiations: a confession of their weakness
rather than a profession of theu" strength because, as the
apostle saith, they were a remembrance that sin still was in
power. But this s;icrifice of which we partake is an avdiMinja-is,
a ' commemoration ' of the remission of sins ; a remembrance
Heb. xiii. 10. lb. X. 3. afrdtvi'ias, ovk '(txvos arrodei^is. —
>' Karqyopla afMpTTifiaTOiv, ov Xv- Hom. xni. in Hebr. [§ 3. torn. xii.
(Tis afxapTTjftaTQ}!' 7 dvcrla, Karrjyopia p. 1 68 A.J
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper. 139
that it is quite taken away, and hath quite lost all its strength ;
and so, seeing Christ hath made a perfect satisfaction, though
they might not eat, yet we may of the sacrifice of expiation.
They might not, because sin was acknowledged thereby to
remain ; we may, because by Christ's sacrifice to make ex-
piation it is abolished and utterly destroyed, so as to have no
force to obUge us unto punishment. And if that be true which
is deUvered in Pirke Eliezer^ and other books, that Abraham
was circumcised on the day of expiation and that this day
was a remembrance of the covenant of circumcision, then it is
still more clear that only by the new covenant forgiveness
could be obtained ; for the greatest of their sacrifices (accord-
ing to the apostle) made a remembrance of sins, and not of the
forgiveness of them.
To shut up this, then, you may thus take a very brief sum
of it. Before the flood they only offered holocausts or whole
burnt-offerings (for then they eat no flesh). After the flood
they sacrificed peace-oflFerings also for mercies which they re-
ceived ; and these they all eat of. But we read of no sin-offer-
ing till the law was given ; and those the priests only eat of,
but not of all. Till the Gospel came never did any eat of a sin-
offering that was carried within the veil to reconcile withal ;
but now both priest and people partake of it. We are all
made priests unto God^ in this regard, that as the priests of
old had the favour to eat of the sin-offerings, so have all the
people of God now, by communicating of the body and blood
of Clirist, who offered up himself unto God for us. And it
must be added, that we are more than priests, even kings and
priests, or a royal j^riestliood'^ : for there is nothing denied
unto us, and we have power to eat of that which the high priest
himself might not taste of, which is the sacrifice of general
atonement, whose flesh was burnt without the camp. And if
we well consider we shall see that they had no reason to feast
upon it, seeing the guilt did still remain which their sacrifice
could not remove ; but that we have, because our offering for
sin hath made a complete expiation, and given us the greatest
ground of joy and peace. Now, by our eating of it, we must
2 [Cap. 29. p. 64.]
* Gen. xvii. 26.
Rev. i. 6, v. 10.
<= I Pet. ii. 9.
140
Mensa Mystica : or.
needs be concluded to partake even of that altar, and so to
have remission of sin.
To draw, then, this chapter to a conclusion : if we take a
review of what hath been said in this and the foregoing dis-
course, we may be sufficiently informed what divines mean
when they say, that the sacrament is a seal of the covenant of
grace. We set our seal to it as we give up ourselves to God,
and God sets his seal again to it by delivering the body and
blood of his Son to us. The death of Christ there represented
and communicated to us doth seal to us pardon of our sin and
all blessings, if we do heartily set our seal to the counterpart,
and by taking and receiving Christ under these signs, promise
and engage most firmly to lead a life according to his will re-
vealed to us. God seals when he gives, and we seal when we
receive. K we mean as really as he doth, then we have a
right to all things specified in the covenant. By which you
may discern that it is not a seal that we are pardoned and oirr
sins are forgiven, but that God remains firm in his purposes of
grace, and if we do so too in our purposes of obedience, we
may thence conclude that we are pardoned. Our assurance
then of our particiilar pardon is a thing that results from an-
other act of ours, which is a serious comparing of our seal and
God's together, or a reflecting upon what we and God have
done. When we know our own sincerity and heartiness in our
profession, as we are assured of God's reality and truth in
what he promiseth, then we may conclude well of ourselves,
and rest assured of a pardon.
Yet our pardon is not sealed so certainly as God seals the
covenant, because the certainty that we have in ourselves of
our being pardoned, relies upon a thing far more dubious than
the certainty we have that God will pardon. Our judgment
concerning ourselves is only an hiunan act, grounded upon the
true knowledge of ourselves, whereas our behef of the promise
is a divine faith, grounded upon the word of God, to which he
sets his seal ; and, therefore, the conclusion we make (which
still follows the weaker part), or the assurance we attain of our
being pardoned, can be only an act of human faith. It can
never be so sure as one of the premisses is, imless we could be
as sure that we say true of ourselves as that God saith true of
himself. If it were as certain that I beheve as it is that God
A Discourse of the Lord's Stepper. 141
will pardon all that believe, then the conclusion would be as
certain as either, that therefore I am pardoned. But seeing
the first proposition is grounded on a fallible judgment (and it
is possible I may deceive myself), therefore I cannot make a
conclusion of equal certainty with the second proposition, but
that I am pardoned will be no stronger than this, that I be-
lieve. Yet, notwithstanding, if a man find no cause to suspect
his own reaUty, he may have a belief of his pardon free from
doubting, and may rest well satisfied that he is in a good
estate, because nothing appears to the contrary, but that he
sincerely doth the will of Christ. Though he attains unto this
persuasion not by a direct but a reflex act of faith, i. e. not
merely by a belief of God's Word (which nowhere saith that I
am pardoned), but by a serious examination of himself accord-
ing to the tenor of the word ; yet seeing he discerns a con-
formity between himself and it, he may have a very good and
strong (though not infallible) assurance that his sins are blotted
out, and shall not be imputed to him.
Whensoever, then, we approach to the Lord's table, we
should come with a behef that God makes over unto us the
greatest blessings, if we receive them as he requires. Now all
that he requires is, that we would love and obey him (as we
said in the former chapter) : when we heartily engage to this,
we have hereby a conveyance made to us of all that heaven
contains, which is included in this phrase, forgiveness of sin.
For you may observe that in Scripture-style the taking away
of God's wrath is the doing of some favour. His kindnesses
are not mere negatives or removals of evil ; but when he for-
gives sin, and inflicts not the punishment, he confers the con-
trary blessing, and restores us to the inheritance.
A PRAYER.
O Lord, the Father of mercies, and the God of all consolation,
who hast not only most graciously promised forgiveness to all them
that with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto thee ; but also
made a new covenant with us in the blood of Christ, for the remis-
sion of sins ; which thou likewise sealest to us in the sacrament of
it : I most humbly l)eseech thee to make me thoroughly sensible of
the greatness and the riches of this grace, that so I may neither
neglect it nor be unthankful for it ; but go unto that holy feast, to
142
Mensa Mystica : or,
which thou invitest me, upon his body and blood, there to present
myself unto thee with a lively faith and unfeigned repentance ; and
then to receive the assurances that thou wilt be merciful to my sins,
and remember them no more ; and then to bless and praise thee for
such strong assurance as thou hast given us by the blood of thy
dear Son, who sacrificed himself for our sins ; and by making us
partakers of that sacrifice, in the commemoration of it, which thou
thyself hast ordained for our fuller satisfaction.
And what greater satisfaction can we have than to be assured
that we are reconciled unto thee, and at peace with thee ; and
thereby to be eased of that intolerable burden of our sins, which
should it lie upon us, would press us down to hell ?
O make me more deeply sensible of the weight of their guilt, that
so I may the more admire the exceeding riches of thy grace, which
will deliver me from that load.
For the obtaining of which deliverance, I ought to be willing to
submit to anything which thou shalt demand of me ; and to think
no conditions hard or uneasy, but be as ready ever to forgive freely,
even the greatest offences against me, as I am desirous thou wouldst
forgive all my offences against thee.
O Lord, dispose my soul, I beseech thee, unto this grace, as an
earnest of the other. Root out all hatred, enmity, and ill will :
cleanse me so perfectly from the least relic of them, and possess me
with such hearty love and kindness towards all men, even towards
my bitterest enemies, that I may more comfortably expect to receive
perfect remission and forgiveness from thee, by those pledges of thy
love which I receive from the hands of thy minister.
Whose absolution here pronounced on earth, I beseech thee,
ratify in heaven ; through our Lord Jesus Christ, who lives for ever
to make intercession for us. To whom with thee, O Father, and
the Holy Ghost, be everlasting praises. Amen.
A Discourse of the Lm^d's Supper.
143
CHAP. V.
It is a means of our nearer union with the Lord Jesus. The
nature of this union and its effect is explained in five con-
siderations. For Christ communicates his body and blood
to us. We are kin to him by faith and love ; and receive
hereby greater measures of his Sp>irit, which is the bond
of union ; and an earnest and pledge of a happy resur-
rection.
The distance being taken away between God and us, this
sacrament must be considered as a means of our nearer union
with our Lord Christ. He doth not only kindly entertain us
when we come to his table, but he likewise knits and joins us
to himself. He not only ties us with cords of love, and binds
us to his service by favours and blessings conferred on us, but
in some sort he makes us one with him, and takes us into a
nearer conjunction than before we enjoyed. And who would
not desire to be enfolded in his arms ? Who would not repose
himself in his bosom ? But who durst have presumed to enter-
tain a thought of being married unto him, and becoming one
with him ? And yet who would refuse such a favour now that
it is ojffered to us, but they that neither know him nor them-
selves ?
This covenant into which we enter is a marriage-covenant,
and our Lord promises to be as a husband to us, and we choose
him as the best beloved of our souls. It is none of the common
friendships which we contract with him by eating and di'inking
at his table, but the rarest and highest that can be imagined ;
and we are to look upon this as a marriage-feast. What this
union then with Christ is, it need not be disputed ; we may be
sure that it is such an one as is between a man and his wife,
the vine and the branches, the head and the members, the
building and the foundation (as hereafter will more fully ap-
pear), yea far beyond all sorts of union, whether moral, natu-
ral or artificial, which the world afi^ords example of. That
which I am to shew is, that by these sacramental pledges of
his love, and this communion with Christ our Lord, we are
faster tied unto him, and the ligaments are made more strong
144
Mensa Mystica : w,
and indissoluble between us. This will be manifest upon these
considerations :
I. Seeing we do after a sort eat Christ's flesh, and drink his
blood, we must needs thereby be incorporated further with
him. I dispute not now in what sense we eat and drink his
body and blood ; but so far as we grant that we do that, so
far the other is likewise done. Our union is of the same kind
and degree with our communion and participation. And there-
fore when the apostle speaks of a communion with them^, that
adhesion and cleaving to Christ signifies, that in some sort we
are made one with him. So St. Chrysostom*! observes, that
the apostle usetli not the word /xerox^, which is ' participation,'
but KoivavLo, ' communion,' because he would shew the near
conjunction that is between us, and that we are knit and united
to him by this partaking of him. So likewise CEcumenius^
upon the place observes, that Christ's blood uniteth us to him
as our head, ha r?)? \xiTaXri^^€m, ' by our receiving of it.' And
indeed, as it is contrary to all analogy of speech to call the
bread and wine by the name of Christ's body and blood, if
they be not at all so, in like manner it is incongruous to use
the phrase of eating and drinking, if there be no union be-
tween us and that which we eat and drink.
II. Faith and love bearing a great part in this holy action,
and Christ being by them embraced, it must needs be a means
of our nearer union. For union (you know) begins in our
consent unto him ; and, therefore, the stronger that grows,
and with the greater dearness of affection that is expressed,
the stronger and closer our union to him becomes. Now faith
and love (which are our consent) receive here a great increase
of strength, by the most intense operation of them, which is
apt to perfect and complete them. No man comes aright
hither that doth not from the bottom of his heart (as you have
seen) resign himself unto the will of Christ, to be moved and
governed at his pleasure. He must dissolve into the heart of
his Saviour (if I may so speak), to have no motion but accord-
ing as that beats ; so that his whole Ufe should be but a pulse
<= 1 Cor. X. i6. ' Life of Christ,' part iii. sect. 15.
•1 [in loc. Horn. xxiv. § 2. torn. x. Disc. 19. § 3. vol. ii. p. 640.]
p. 213 C. Compare Jer. Taylor, ^ [torn. i. p. 515 A.]
A Discourse of the Lord's ISupper.
145
answering to the heart of Christ. And so Cyril <" brings in
Christ calHng upon men, and saying, I am the bread of life ;
elabi^aaOd fxe KaOAirep (viJ.r]v iv rw {//xere'/ow (pvpajxaTL, ' take me
in as a leaven to diffuse itself through your whole mass.' Be
you even leavened with me, that every bit of you may taste of
me. This can be effected by nothing else but a hearty con-
junction of our wills with Christ. We must put ourselves
wholly out of our own power, as the wife doth when she gives
herself to her husband ; and the more we can get out of our-
selves, so as to have no proper will of our own, the more we
become one with him. When we feel not ourselves to be any-
thing at all, nor to have any interest different from that of his,
then we and he are made perfectly one, or rather we are not,
but he is all. Now this abolition of propriety in ourselves is
much promoted by the remembrance of Christ's death, and his
un valuable love, whereby we become dead, and are even
snatched and I'avished from ourselves. Whatsoever other
unions there may be, they all wait and attend upon this which
lays the foundation of them. Yea, by this faith and love our
hearts are more enlarged, the vessels of our souls are rendered
more capable, and the temple of Christ is much more amplified
to receive more of God's presence. And that is the next thing.
III. The Holy Spirit is here conferred on us in larger mea-
sures, which is the very bond and ligament that ties us to him.
For this union is not only such a moral union as is between
husband and wife (which is made by love), or between king
and subjects (which is made by laws) ; but such a natural
union as is between head and members, the vine and branches,
which is made by one spirit or life dwelling in the whole.
For the understanding of this (which I shall insist on longer
than the rest) you must consider these things :
I . That our union with Christ is set forth by many things
in Scripture, or in St. Chrysostom's phrases, bia TroWoiv fjnas
v-nobeiyiidTwv hoX, ' he unites us to himself after many pat-
terns.' I think there is not a better collection of them than we
meet with in him. He is the head," saith he^^, " we are the
body ; he is the foundation, we arc the building ; he is the
f Horn, in Myst. Coen. [torn. v. s [Horn. viii. in i. ad Cor. [§ 4.
part. 2. p. 373 D.] torn. x. p. 70 C] " [Ibid.]
PATRICK, VOL. I. L
146
Mensa Mystica : or,
vine, we are the branches ; he is tlie bridegroom, we are the
bride ; he is the shepherd, we are the sheep ; he is the way,
we are the travellers ; we are the temple and he is the inhabi-
tant ; he is the first-born, we are his brethren ; he is the heir,
we the coheirs ; he is the life, we are the living, &c. ; all these
things tvMo-iv iixcpaCvei, ' do shew an union,' and such an one
that will not admit the least thing to come between them."
2. Observe, that the highest and closest union is that wliich
is made by one spirit and life moving in the whole. And there-
fore I take notice that the Scripture delights most frequently
to use the two first examples, of a body and a building, and
those that are nearest to these. Now because a building hath
no life, but yet by its firmness and strength doth notably set
forth the firmness of the union that is between Christ and his
people ; therefore the apostle puts both these together, and
calls Christ a living stone, and those that come to him lively
or living stones, which are built up a spiritual house or temple,
where they olfer spiritual sacrifices unto God'. That union
therefore is most perfect which is made by life, though others
may be of greatest strength ; and therefore the apostle applies
it even to things without life, that he might the better shew the
union between Christ and his members by one life is in strength
more like the solidness of a temple than any other thing, whose
parts are so cemented as if they would last as long as the world.
3. We must observe, that things at the greatest distance
may be united by one spirit of life actuating them both ; and
so may Christ and we, though we enjoy not his bodily pre-
sence. It is truly noted by a most reverend person'', that the
formal reason of the union that is made between the parts of
our body, consists not in their continuity and touching of each
other, but in the animation of them by one and the same spirit
which ties them all together. If the spirit withdraw itself from
any part so that it be mortified, it presently remains as if it
were not of the body, though its parts still touch the next
' I Pet. ii. 4, 5. natural body), but in the animation
^ Archbishop Usher. [" Nay, if we thereof by one and the same spirit."
mark it well, we shall find it to be — Ussher, Sermon on i Cor. x. 17,
thus in using of our own bodies, preached before the Commons House
that the formal reason of the union of Parhament in St. Margaret's
of the members consisteth not in the Church at Westminster, Feb. i8th,
continuity of the parts (though that 162". Works, vol. ii. p. 433.]
also be requisite to the unity of a
A Discourse of the Lard's Supper.
147
member to it. And so wc see in trees, if any branch be de-
prived of the vegetative spirit, it drops from the tree as now
no more belonging to it. On the other side, you see the toes
have an union with the head (though at a distance) not only
by the intervening of many parts that reach from them unto
it, but by the soul that is present in the furthest member, and
gives the head as speedy notice of what is done in the remotest
part, as if it were the next door to the brain. And this it
doth without tlie assistance of the neighbouring parts, that
should whisper the grief of the toes from one to the other till
the head hear, but without the least trouble to any of them
which do not feel their pain. If you should suppose therefore
our body to be as high as the heavens, and the head of it to
touch the throne of God, and the feet to stand upon his foot-
stool the earth, no sooner could the head think of moving a
toe, but presently it would stir ; and no sooner could any pain
befal the most distant part, than the head would be advised of
it. Which must be by virtue of that spirit which is conceived
ahke present to every part, and therefore that must be taken
likewise to be the reason of that union which is among them
all. Just so may you apprehend the union to be between
Christ our Head and us his members : although in regard of
his corporal presence he be in the heavens, ivhich must receive
him until the time of the restitution of all tilings^, yet he is
here with us always, even to the end of the world^, in regard
of his Holy Spirit working in us. By this he is sensible of all
our needs, and by the vital influences of it in every pai't he
joins the whole body fitly together, so that he and it make one
Christ, according as the apostle saith. As the body is one, and
hath many members, and all the members of that one body,
being many, are one body, so also is Chrisf". And that this
union is wrought by the Spirit (which every true Christian
hath dwelhng in him"), the next verse will tell you. We are all
baptized into one body by one Spiritv, &c. Which will lead
me to the fourth thing, for which all this was said.
4. We receive of this Spirit when we worthily communicate
at the supper of the Lord, according as the apostle in that
' Acts iii. 21.
Matt, xxviii. 20.
" I Cor. xii. 12.
" 1 Cor. iii. 16, vi. 19; Rom. viii.
9. II-
P Ver. 13.
148
Mensa Mystica : or,
13th verse is thought to say, We have been all made to drink
into one Spirits, i. e. we have all reason to agree well together,
for there is but one Spirit that animates the whole body of us,
which we receive at the table of the Lord when we drink the
cup of blessing. One Christian doth not drink out of the same
cup a spirit of peace, and another Christian a spirit of conten-
tion; but as Chrysostom"^ expounds it, irpbs ttjv avrriv TjXdoixfv
fj-va-Taycoyiav, &c. ' we all come to be initiated in the same se-
crets;' we all enjoy the same table, and though he doth not say
(as it follows in him) that we eat the same body and drink the
same blood, yet since he makes mention of the Spirit, he saith
both. For in both we are watered with one and the same
Spirit, even as trees (saith he) are watered out of one and the
same fountain. Or if we understand the apostle's words of the
Spirit received aTro (^airTCaiJLaTos, ' after baptism,' but irpo hvcttt]-
p[(ov, 'before the sacrament of the Lord's supper s,' whereby he
further waters (so the word ttotiXo) is used i Cor. iii. 6, 7, 8.)
that which he hath planted ; yet still it will be true, that at
this time good Christians do receive larger irrigations from
that Fountain of life, that they may shoot up to a greater
height, and bring forth more fruit. For this spirit is always
needful, being that which maintains our life, and it is given in
the use of those means that God hath instituted for increase in
grace ; of which means this holy feast being one of the chief,
that life-giving Spirit must be conceived to lay faster hold of
us, and knit us more unto our Head. It is the vis vicaria of
the Lord Jesus, that power which supplies his place here in
the world, by which he is present to our souls. Now when
shall we conceive it more present than when we remember him
whose Spirit it is, and when he doth exhibit himself unto us
under these shadows of bread and wine ? These are tokens of
his presence, and represent him to us ; the Spirit is that whereby
he is present, and therefore here it must be again conferred on
us. Here it doth take a strong seizure of us ; here it possesses
itself more fully of all our faculties ; here it gives us more
sensible touches from our Head, and makes us feel more vital
q [Ilai/Tfs iv nvevfia eTroTLcrdrjfiev, ^ Vid. Chrysost. [ibid. p. 271 A.]
— Chrysost. in loc. horn. XXX. torn. X. et Theophyl. [in loc. torn. ii. p. 196
p. 270 E.] ' [Ibid.] E.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Stepper. IM)
influences descending thence unto us ; and so (it being the
bond of union) must needs strengthen and confirm us in an
inseparable conjunction with him. Christ doth not descend
locally unto us that we may feed on him ; but as the sun touch-
eth us by his beams without removing out of its sphere, so
Christ comes down upon us by the power of the Holy Ghost,
moving by its heavenly virtue in our hearts, though he remain
above. And this virtue coming from our Head, the man Christ
Jesus, it doth both quicken us to his service, and tie us to liim,
and likewise we are said to partake of his body and blood, be-
cause we sensibly feel the virtue and efficacy of them in ourselves.
And do not wonder that I say we are more strongly united
to Christ hereby ; for union is not to be conceived without all
latitude, but to be looked on as capable of increase or diminu-
tion, and as that which may grow loose and slack, or be made
more perfect and compact. As it is with the soul and body, so
it is between Christ and his members. Though the soul be not
quite unloosed from the body, yet by sickness the bonds may
become rotten, or by fasting they may grow weak and feeble,
so that it may have but a slender hold of its companion, and a
little violence may snap them asunder. Even so though our
souls be tied to Christ, yet by our daily infirmities, or the fre-
quent incursions of our enemies, or by long abstaining from
this holy food, and other negligences, we shall find a kind of
looseness in our souls, and that we are going off from Christ,
and tending to a dissolution, unless we gird up the loins of our
mind, and be vigilant and sober, watching vmto all holy duties.
And therefore as in the former case we must betake ourselves
to our physic, and food and good exercise for the making the
bonds sound and strong, so in this we must have recourse to
the holy feast we are speaking of (which is both meat and me-
dicine) and we must stir up the grace that is in us, and beg
more of the Spirit of God that may strengthen the things that
remain and are ready to die.
To receive the Spirit not by measure, is the privilege of none
but our head. We that receive from his fulness, have not our
portion all at once, but must daily look for a supply of the
Spirit of Jesus Christ K And so the apostle saith, the right-
eousness of God is revealed from faith to faith^; and wc
t Phil. i. 19. " Rom. i. 17.
150
Mensa Mystica : or.
must ffroiv up into him in all things, which is the head, even
Christ^. Wliich shews that we may be made one with him in
a more excellent manner than when we were first born, be-
cause the Spirit of Christ grows unto a greater strength within
us, as we receive more of heavenly nutriment into our souls.
And this is aU that is meant by the real presence of Christ in
this sacrament, which the church speaks of and behoves ; as it
is one reason liliewise of the change which is so much noised,
because by his power these things become effectual to so great
purposes, when they are holily received. Our Lord doth call
these signs by the name of the things they signify, because in
a spu'itual manner his body and blood are present to us, viz.
by the communication of that to us which they did pm'chase
for us. From the sacred humanity of Christ Ufe and spirit is
derived unto us, as motion is from the head unto the members.
And the power of the Godhead doth diffuse the virtue or ope-
ration of the human nature, to the enlivening the hearts of
men that riglitly i-eceive the sacramental pledges. Manna is
called ' spiritual bread 7,' and water that came out of the rock is
named ' spiritual drink,' and the rock is said to be Christ, be-
cause they did signify him, and were tokens of his presence ;
and therefore much more may this bread and wine be called
his body and blood, and be spoken of as if they were himself,
because they do more lively represent him, and he hath an-
nexed his presence more powerfully to them. Or as one of
the ancients saith^, they are called his body and blood, not
because they are properly so, sed quod in se mysterium cor-
poris ejus et sanguinis contineant, ' but because they contain
in them the mystery of liis body and blood.'
And this (as I said) is all the change that we are to under-
stand in them, accorchng as Theodoret^ doth excellently ex-
press it : " Christ," saith he, " calls them by the name of the
things they represent, not changing the nature, but adding
grace unto the nature." And what that grace is I have already
told you in this chapter. So that the real presence is not to
be sought in the bread and wine, but in those that receive
^ Eph. iv. 15. Vet. Patr. torn. x. p. 79 G.J
y I Cor. X. 3, 4. =^ Oil Trjv (f)v<Tiv ^leralSaXibv, aWa
' [Faciindiis, pro defensione triiim rijv xn'piw ttj t^vud npoaTtdeiKms.
rapiUilonim, lib. ix. in Max. Bibl, Dialog, i, [rap. 8. torn, iv. p. 26.]
A Discourse of the Lord's Supper.
151
them, according as learned Hooker'' speaks. For Christ saith
first, Take and eat; and then after that, This is my body.
Before we take and eat, it is not the body of Christ unto us ;
but when we take and eat as we ought, then he gives us his
whole self, and puts us into possession of all such saving graces
as his sacrificed body can yield, and our souls do then need.
The change is in our souls, and not in the sacrament ; we are,
though not transubstantiated into another body, yet metamor-
phosed and transformed into another likeness, by the offering
up of our bodies to God, which is a piece of this service,
Rom. xii. 1,2. And so some observe that all other meat is re-
ceived as it is in itself, and no otherwise ; but this meat is
diverse as it is received. Other meat affecteth and altereth
the taste, but here the taste altereth the meat. For if it be
worthily received, it is the body and blood of Christ ; if un-
worthily, it is but bare bread and wine.
But yet this must be cautiously understood when we thus
speak ; for this presence is the bread, though in it. Though it
be on'iy in us, yet it comes with it unto us if we will receive
him ; because else we shall not know how unworthy persons
are said to be guilty of his body and blood, if he be not pre-
sent with his body and blood to work in men's souls.
This hkewise is to be further observed for the better under-
standing of it ; that the devil who loves to imitate God (that
he may the better cozen and cheat), doth seldom manifest his
power to any great purpose, but when he is called by some of
his own ceremonies and sacraments that he hath appointed.
This doth but tell us that Christ is then most powerfully
present, when we use his rites which he hath instituted and
hallowed as special remembrances of his love, and testimo-
nies of our love unto him. So that we may come hither, and
expect that we shall feel more at such a time, and in the use of
such means, thaa at or in others, because he hath made them
his body and blood in such sort as I have declared.
Other union tlian this (by Christ's Spirit) I know no use of,
though we should believe that which we do not understand, I
^ [" The real presence of Christ's ceiver of the sacrament." — Eccles.
most blessed body ar.d blood is not Pol. book v. chap. 67. § vi. vol. ii.
therefore to be sought for in the p. 352.]
sacrament, but in th-j worthy re-
152
Mensa Mystic